For almost five hundred years, Ceylon had been ruled by colonial powers. In 1505, the Portuguese appeared in the island, and took control of the maritime provinces of the country. Their occupation of the country lasted for nearly 150 years, and established a military form of government, where martial law chiefly prevailed. They established Royal monopolies in cinnamon, pepper and musk. The main export commodities besides cardamoms, sapan-wood, arecanuts, ebony, elephants, ivory, pearls, also included small quantities of tobacco, silk and kapok.

The Dutch, who had made a conscious study of the countries potential for trade and commerce, were at one stage prepared to lose India, rather than endanger the prospects of conquering Ceylon. The Portuguese were finally expelled from the country in 1665. The Dutch pursued a far more progressive policy to their predecessors in the administration of the country, but adopted a very selfish and an oppressive approach to commerce and trade. Various attempts to unify the entire country failed. They too were confined to the coastal areas. Unlike the Portuguese they enjoyed a reputation of having done more towards the economical development of the country.

They established a very lucrative business with Holland, and later with Persia, India and the Far East. They encouraged the cultivation of Cinnamon, which turned out to be their staple export. Provocative laws were passed to safeguard the industry. The peelings of cinnamon, the selling or exporting of a single stick, save by the appointed officers, or the wilful injuries to a cinnamon plant, were made crimes punishable by death. The Dutch encouraged agriculture, but it was essentially for a selfish purpose.

They used the system of forced labour to cultivate vast tracks of coconut along the seacoast that presents an unbroken grove of palms that is seen even today. They did much to improve the pearl-oyster fisheries in the Gulf of Mannar, with great success. They were the first to improve internal communication through a network of canals. This helped them to establish trade connections with the interior. In 1796, the Dutch were forced to abandon their holdings in the Island, after they were threatened by a British invasion from India. The Maritime Provinces became a British possession by right of conquest. An attempt to govern the country from Madras proved a failure, and in 1802 Ceylon was made a Crown Colony.

Picture 5 Early Prints P185 “The rolling plains of Uva” 6x4.5

Nobody at that stage would have doubted the importance of Ceylon to Britain and the East India Company. Unfortunately they did not really know what it had succeeded to, what the Dutch possessions were, or the authority possessed by the sovereign of Kandy. They decided to carry on the administration of the country as the Dutch had done, but they seemed totally ignorant of the Dutch system of farming taxes, which was their main source of revenue. Robert Andrews, the Superintendent of Revenue, commenced the first move in this direction by levying a tax on all owners of coconut trees. This was considered most unfair, and the entire populace reacted with vehement opposition to the way they were treated by their new masters.

Ceylon faced the third subjection to a foreign power on the 16th of February 1796 when Britain took over the possession in the name of William of Orange Holland, being at the time in the hands of the French. At the time of the British military victory, Colombo was described as follows:-

With the unification of Ceylon in 1815, Sir Edward Barnes as Governor in 1824 gave Ceylon a fresh appearance. The country was well connected with a network of military roads, bridges were constructed across the major rivers, and the first mail coach in Asia was started between Colombo and Kandy,
These improvements to the country were all mapped out from his palatial residence at Mount Lavinia built at a cost of pound sterling 30,000.

Picture 36 19th Century P 117 “Colonial Defences” 6.5x8.5

Up to about the 1840’s, Ceylon was a military dependency with about six infantry regiments with artillery. All maintained by the Imperial Government. Colombo being the capitol enjoyed the advantage of having the headquarters of a Lieut. General. For security reasons, the entire workforce was stationed within its boundaries.

In 1857 Colombo seemed a truly busy city, with a dozen sailing ships with 300 to 1000 tons at anchor, and all operations carried out with the utmost care and attention. Foreign visitors to the city were few. There was only one hotel worth mentioning, but the mercantile hospitality made up for all the deficiencies, and all visitors to the island were welcomed as dear friends from the homeland.

Shaping of modern Colombo commenced with the demolition of the defence fortifications by Governor Sir Robinson in 1869. With this operation completed, Colombo became more accessible to all the commercial establishments that were housed together within the Fort. The winding up of the local rifle regiment that followed, set the stage for the formation of the police force for the first time in the country.

Picture 37 19th Century P200 “Landing of the Prince of Wales in Colombo” 6.5x4.5

There was a burst of growth in the building industry, to accommodate the needs of the fast growing economy. The influx of foreign banks into Colombo required further accommodation and these were in most part provided by the wealthy Sinhalese,

The skyline of the city of Colombo was beginning to change fast, and the modern buildings offered a complete contrast to the old warehouses that lined the streets in the old city days. The manager of the Oriental Bank, Mr George Smyttan Duff was the first European to venture out into the building trade, The Hong Kong and Shanghai and Chartered Bank had their beginnings in a building block constructed by him. The Mercantile Bank, the Bank of Madras, and the National Bank of India were also handsomely located in the Fort.

A construction company specially formed for this purpose with government’s blessings undertook construction of the Grand Oriental Hotel in the Fort being the first hotel in the true sense of the word. The Wharf and Warehouse Company, the Bristol Hotel, the General Post Office, and a shopping arcade, the Peninsular and Oriental Company, all found suitable locations.

Just outside the Fort, and on all land from Turret road eastwards was covered with cinnamon. In a bid to beautify the city, the government laid out a park and flower gardens, and sold the surrounding land for the construction of residential houses. This area was well laid out with tree lined gravel paths, often named after former British Governors. One of the most impressive buildings to be constructed out of the fort area was the Colombo Museum, built by Governor Gregory.

Picture 38 The Book of Ceylon No. 31 “The Grand Oriental Hotel” 4.5x3

A Lunatic Asylum was built at the far end of the residential area. The need for the establishment of such an institution even prior to the construction of the Civil Hospital in Colombo so early in the day no doubt seems so strange, but very little has been spoken on this matter.

The construction of hospitals in all its divisions and the establishment of the Medical School had been mostly due to the magnanimity of the illustrious Sinhalese philanthropic the De Soysa family, who came into prominence after his magnificent entertainment to HRH The Duke of Edinburgh in 1870 at his Bambalapitiya residence, since called Alfred House.

There were several Cathedrals and Churches, mosques and temples, schools and colleges belonging to the different religious bodies erected at different parts of the city. The British administration ensured that provision was made to provide recreational facilities for the fast growing urban population.

The Victoria Park, the Campbell Gardens, The modern Havelock Racecourse, the several Golf courses, Cricket and hockey grounds, the Galle Face promenade to mention a few, still continue to captivate the local metropolitan populace, but hardly a single European is seen today at any of these places when important events are organised. These facilities, after all, were provided a hundred years for the exclusive use of the foreigners, where the locals were not tolerated.

Steamers followed sailing ships. They were required in increasing numbers even before the Suez Canal was opened. Shipping tonnage increased from 120,431 tons in 1888 to 245,830 tons by 1897. In 1897 tea had replaced coffee as the prime export commodity, and constituted about 46 % of the total exports while 41 % comprised of coconut products.

Even before the Christian era, Ceylon formed a vital link in the maritime commerce of the ancient world. Colombo occupied a strategic position applicable to the great trade routes that linked countries in the Middle East with lands in the Far East across the Indian Ocean.

Colombo was an open roadstead from ancient times, but it was with the arrival of the Portuguese in the island in 1505 that Colombo became known to the seafaring nations of the world. Colombo remained a fortress-cum-naval harbour during the Portuguese period, but underwent several structural changes under the Dutch and the British.

Picture 40 The Book of Ceylon No. 9 “Massive Breakers” 4.5x3.5

With the development of the country based on an import export economy, the main obstacle to the fast business deals of shipping concerns was the prevalence of heavy surf and a stiff breeze during the monsoon months. The problem however, was promptly attended to by the construction of a breakwater. The favourable reports regarding the need to develop the Colombo harbour with a breakwater to shelter the ships in anchor, led Governor Hercules Robinson to give the “green light” for the commencement of additional construction works.

Designing of the breakwater and the allied harbour works was undertaken by John Coode, and executed under his direction by John Kyle. The actual construction work was entrusted to Sir William Gregory. The foundation stone was laid by HRH the Prince of Wales during a visit to the East in 1875.This huge wall, 4,212 feet long, took ten years and an outlay of £705,000 to complete. It changed an open roadstead into a harbour, completely sheltered on the most exposed southwest side. There were still disadvantages in certain months, to storms from the North West and North East winds.

Picture 41 19th Century P 231 “Prince laying the foundation stone” 6.5x4.5

With the success achieved in the first instance, the government decided to construct two additional arms— 1,000 feet North East breakwater from the Mutwal shore and a 2,200 feet North West breakwater and another 700 foot between the centre and the North East arms. These two additional arms, with a light house and connected works of land reclamation, coaling depots and other conveniences, estimated at a cost of pounds sterling 527,000 was undertaken. Work commenced in April 1895 and the entire project completed in 1902. This made Colombo one of the most commodious and convenient artificial harbours in the world.
During this period, South India was lacking facilities for safe shipping on both sides and Colombo was destined to become the chief port for this region. By the turn of the century, Colombo had become the greatest central mail and commercial steamer port of the East. All the large steamers of the P & O company, the British India, Star, Ducal, and most of the Messageries, Nord-Deutscher, Lloyds, Austro-Hungarian Lloyds, Rubattino, The Clan, Glen City, Ocean Anchor, Holts and other liners of Europe, India, China, the Straits, and Australia began to call in Colombo on a regular basis. In consequence of this, valuable to the merchant and the planter, was the regular and the cheap freight offered to world markets.

The plantation enterprise in Ceylon, whether it is coffee, cinchona, or tea, was all battened down to shape in the Central Province. It all originated in Hewaheta, Nilambe, and Pussellawa. The pioneers then moved into the trackless forests, which clothed the vast mountain region that dominated the South Central part of the island, transforming the country all the way. They flowed into the mountain passes leading to the plains surrounding Pidurutalagala, the highest point in the island, and then spilling over into the rolling grasslands of Uva.

The impact of this period on the entire country could only be gauged by taking into account the important economical functions that centred round the Central Province. This was the time when Badulla was considered a part of it and Kandy, Matale, and Nuwara Eliya, were the other districts annexed to the Central Province.

According to a census taken on 17th February 1881, the Central Province, with the inclusion of Badulla District held 23% of the land area of the country; and the Badulla district alone had carved out more than 50% of the land allotted to this province. There was also a high concentration of people there only next to the Western Province.

It is also pertinent to note at this stage that the Central Province had the largest amount of Europeans resident in the country. About 54 % of the total European population were found in these areas. About 50 % of the male population and 20 % of the female population had been directly engaged in agriculture. It is also established that about 80 % of the estates in 1881 were situated in the Central Province. Of the total registered plantations in the country, Kandy District alone had 671 plantations, Nuwara Eliya District 325, Badulla 271,and Matale 141. It has also been established that about 90 % of the emigrant South Indian labour was employed on plantations in the Central Province.

It now seems clear that during the transitional period, when a search was on to identify a new crop to replace coffee, the most effected would have been the ordinary people in the Central Province, where the plantation enterprise originated. These villages who pioneered the plantation enterprise would have seen a set of uncomprehending people, backward in knowledge due to lack of educational facilities. They had access to only 61 schools, whereas the Western Province with populations of 897,329 had access to 350 schools.

They were however able to accommodate a population of 639,361 people within its boundaries, which was about 23 % of the total population of the country.

All their energies were expanded on agriculture and any form of industrial development was unknown in those areas during this period. When coffee failed, the Central Province had an extent of over 6,000 square miles within its boundary, with 80 % of the estates of the country within its confines. It had to monitor the welfare of about 90 % of the total population of the country, and 42 % of the emigrant labour. This would no-doubt have been a formidable task for the planters who stuck on and gambled their fortunes further for a better tomorrow. By a stroke of good luck, conditions began to change, and within a short period of time, “low spirits” and “sinking hearts” were soon convulsed with laughter when they saw a future in tea.

The first ever visit undertaken by a governor to the district of Uva was in 1866 when Sir Hercules Robinson was given a right royal welcome by the coffee planters of the district, at Kalupahani coffee store. It was an event of great rejoicing to mark the expansion of communication from Colombo to the interior of the newly laid coffee tracks.

They travelled several miles down the road from Kalupahani to meet and escort him to the venue. The most senior planter was Webster of Haldummulla, who was the first to use coffee spouting, Tom Wood of Spring Valley, Keillor Mitchell of Kelburne. All others in the hay-day of coffee planting were there on this historic occasion. The road from Ratnapura to Haputale was nearing completion, and this was another event they had to celebrate.

The planters made use of this opportunity to celebrate yet another event of consequence. They took this opportunity to bid farewell to the great road commissioner Major Thomas Skinner, G.M.C. He had completed the road from Pelmadulla, to Balangoda, at a cost of pounds sterling 9,163, against an estimate of pounds sterling 18,000. On this splendid performance he was permitted to continue the road through to Haputale, down to Bandarawela and eventually to be carried through to Passara, Lunugala, and then to Batticaloa. This road was of such importance to the Coffee planters, that it was thought but fitting that they should gather in strength to congratulate their friend and welcome the Governor.

Twenty years later in 1886, this time, the tea planters of Badulla, Madulsima, Hewa Eliya and Monaragala welcomed the Governor, Sir Arthur Gordon in Badulla. This was the second visitation of a Governor General to this remote area. This visit was of special significance and was undertaken for the sole purpose of separating the Province of Uva from the Central Province, of which it had always been a part up to this time. The Government Agent was to reside in Kandy in charge of the Central Province and his assistant to be stationed in Badulla in charge of the newly carved out Province of Uva.

Picture 62 The Book of Ceylon No. 627 “The fertile downs of Uva” 4x6

The Governor undertook this tedious journey from Colombo to the remote area of Badulla, in stages. With a large retinue, he travelled via Ratnapura and Haldamulla, and broke journey at Dambatenne, which was owned by Reginald Beauchamp Downall, the planting member of the Legislative Council. Much of the journey was done on horseback, which gave the Governor an opportunity to see the countryside and its people. Sir Arthur was a man of great dignity, and his hospitality to all and sundry was unbounded. A story is told of a young civil servant who reacted angrily to a request made by him to call his carriage. The young man was ultimately posted to another colony, and returned several years later to take up the post of Colonial Secretary.

The pioneer planters, who performed the courteous act of greeting him, were composed of the old and the new. Some of them had witnessed the storm when coffee was ruined, and others still too young to overcome the results of the disaster. Nevertheless they were all of one mind. They were well aware of the importance of extending communication to those newly opened up areas.

The case was well presented to the Governor. Their chief theme was, of course, the improvement of communication by rail and road. The Governor no doubt, had made a mental note of all these requests and his intentions were made public when he concluded his speech at the grand dinner, by toasting to the “Success and Prosperity to Uva."

The ceremonies associated with this event were held at the Court House in Badulla, on February 2nd 1886 at 4.30 p.m. The local gathering represented all sections of the Sinhalese community, and the Kandyan chiefs in their colourful regalia, added greatly to the sobriety of the occasion. The surrounding hills were all thronged with estate labourers and villages, who had all assembled to witness the event.

The Buddhist Priests in their flowing golden robes were found in large numbers. The Ratamahatmayas, Basnayake Nilames, and all people of consequence were there, to witness this great event. The Badulla town was all decorated for the event, and each community was entrusted with a specific task in keeping with their natural talents.

Prior to the reading of the Proclamation, each Ratamahatmaya was called on to report verbally to the Governor on the conditions prevailing in his district. Dambawinne of Udakinda opened his account, followed by Rambukpota. R.M. being educated at St. Thomas’ College in Colombo spoke in English. Katugaha R.M. of Wellawaya, informed the Governor of his problems in combating malaria. Mediwaka the R.M. of Bintenne, followed.

After all the introductions, Mr.Clementi Smith read out the proclamation to a silent audience. The most significant part of this entire ceremony was its presentation to the general public. The three most important chiefs Taldena, Rambukpota and Dambawinna were then called upon to mount the podium on bended knees, to receive the Sinhalese version of the proclamation, to be read out to the people assembled outside. Mounting their horses, they proceeded to their allotted places amidst the trumpeting of elephants, the beating of drums, and the firing of the royal salute.

The jubilation’s continued into the night. The next day, deputations from various sectors followed, and the Governor entertained them. Finally the planters were called upon to present their case. Improvement to communication by both rail and road was their main issue, Tea no doubt was fast coming into bearing, but even the coffee harvested could not be transported to the markets, due to lack of transport.

The Governor was somewhat guarded, in his comments on this subject, but in his reply to the Toast of the Queen, and himself, he clearly indicated that the railway would be extended.

Picture 63 The Book of Ceylon No. 632 “Badulla under the blue mount of Namunukula” 6x4

Carving out Uva from Central province led to many structural changes to the old establishment. An agricultural statistical survey conducted in 1900, after the formation of the new province of Uva, identified the tea coverage to be around 54,800 acres, with the new Central Province comfortably placed at 248,814 acres.

The railway was eventually extended to Badulla. The section from Nanuoya to Haputale was opened in September 1893, to Bandarawela in 1894, and to Badulla in 1924.The extension of the railway from Nanuoya to Badulla took almost forty years, partly due to disagreements regarding the tracing of the rail track. Some were of the opinion that the track should have been carried through Passara, rather than through the Ella gap, which was regarded the dead-end of railway extension.

Badulla, as a centre of plantation activity, was fast developing to provide all the facilities in keeping with the needs of the planting community. The Bank of Uva started by C. H. Lowe was already in existence. A few transport agencies that were in operation were gearing themselves for additional work. A branch of Messrs Walker & Greig was opened to cater to the mechanical needs of the planters, who were fast converting their coffee plantations to tea.

During this time only Galoola estate, where the coffee disease originated, had turned to tea. Tea manufacture had already commenced at Spring Valley and on the Uva Company estates.

According to the latest land use maps revised in 1982, the tea area in Badulla had increased to 88,969 acres while the tea cover in the Central Province that include Kandy, Matale, and Nuwara Eliya districts had shrunk to 151,707 acres from 248,814 earlier. The above figures should only be looked upon as a guide to ascertain the latest trends in tea cultivation, as there has been regular changes to district boundaries in the recent past. The mid-grown areas in the Central Province in particular have undergone radical changes in the recent past. Large extents have been uprooted for village expansion, rehabilitation and diversification. Tea areas close to large towns have become vulnerable and this trend will continue so long as the population continues to rise.

Picture 64 The Book of Ceylon No. 628 “Ohiya, entrance to the Uva district” 4.5x3

During the period 1833 and 1871, about 70,400 lots were sold covering an extant of 817,844 acres for the propagation of coffee, The government in turn had obtained Pound sterling 1,086,635 from these land sales. It was Sir Edward Barnes who pointed out that the hill districts were more suitable for coffee growing than the low country areas. This pronouncement coincided with the reduction of import duty in England to one-half in 1825. This led to an over night increase in consumption.

George Bird, considered the father of coffee in Ceylon, was the first to plant this crop on a commercial scale. This project was undertaken in Gampola in 1824, on a part of the royal lands of Sinnapitiya and Vevanvatta. To foster further cultivation, Barnes in1824 exempted the coffee plantations from the land tax of one tenth of the produce.

Picture 22 The Book of Ceylon No. 596 “A road scene at Gampola” 4.,5x3

Picture 45 19th Century P 179 “Ceylon Railway inaugurated” 6.5x4

The real breakthrough in transportation in the country came about with the railway. The success achieved in India gave all the encouragement for the British government to undertake such a venture in the country. The Ceylon Railway Company was formed in 1845 to build a rail link between Colombo and Kandy.

It took a further ten years to remove all wrinkles in the proposal. With the passage of two acts in 1856 the scheme was finally put to shape. The first gave legal recognition to the agreement between the Ceylon government and the newly constituted Ceylon Railway Company. The second ordinance enabled the government to meet the obligations of railway construction by the levy of an export duty.

Originally, the capital required for railway construction from Colombo to Kandy was calculated at pounds sterling 1,000,000. This amount was raised in pound sterling 50 per share, to meet up with the cost of pound sterling 6,000 per mile. This was raised wholly in London, ignoring the locals, and it was only in 1872 that for the first time debentures were issued locally for the construction of the Railway. The local capital available for investment in this project was limited, but they were able to derive employment opportunities both as wage earners and well as in higher grades. Most to take advantage of this opportunity were the Burghers, who were willing to accept minor posts initially, but qualified for more prestigious appointments later.

The above information only goes to prove that the railway had obviously followed the planter. For those who came in later, there was always the facility of the railway within close range. Railway stations became centres for transport of tea. The most important of them was Hatton, which served a wide planting area.

The coming of the railway as the chief means of transport, did not affect the locals adversely, as anticipated, but the British commercial class had it all. Native producers in the Sabaragamuwa continued to rely on the traditional means of transport. The Kalu-ganga remained the main artillery for the transport of goods, and carts continued to provide a feeder service to the railway.

Picture 46 19th Century P 180 Accidents were many”

The first railway of strategic importance that from Colombo to Kandy, was opened shortly before the coffee era gave way to tea. Many interesting stories are woven around the event. According to Sydney Bailey, construction work began in 1858, the estimated cost being just over Pounds Sterling 800,000. It soon became clear that this figure was a little more than an extremely bad guess. The Chief Engineer in charge of construction thought that it would cost over Pounds Sterling 2,200,000. This caused a stir and the project was abandoned. It was re-started in 1863, with strict control on outlay and expenditure. The final cost was Pounds Sterling 1,750,000.

Villiers vividly describes the expansion of the railway and the costs involved and how the project was finally financed. “It is not surprising to find that in 1856 a public meeting was held in Kandy praying for the construction of a railway between Colombo and Kandy, which was estimated to cost Pounds Sterling 2,315,000 more than double Captain Moorsom’s outside limit for the work”. In 1859 the Legislative Council resolved by a majority of 10 to 5, that if the company could not complete the railway for Pounds Sterling 1,500,000 the contract should be annulled.

In 1862, the Legislative Council sanctioned the acceptance of a contract with Mr Faviell to construct the railway at a cost of Pounds Sterling 873,039. The railway from Colombo to Ambepussa was opened in October 1856, and the first train from Colombo arrived in Kandy on April 26th 1867. The line was opened to the general traffic in August that year.

Colombo being the administrative and commercial capital of Ceylon naturally became the focal point from where the railway radiated. With the transformation from coffee to tea, which came about sooner than expected, the need to further strengthen the already established feeder roads to railway stations became an urgent necessity. All cart roads that took the bulk of traffic were macadamised. The experience gained from pioneer road builders in England such as Metcalfe, Telford, and Macadam was put to great use.

Picture 47 19th Century P183 “Negotiating the Sensation Rock” 6x9

The extension of the railway network did not reduce the utilitarian value of roads as a medium of transport. At the early stages, roads and railway were clearly interdependent to each other, and by the 1920’s, Ceylon could boast of having established a reasonably well integrated system of road and rail transportation whose growth had been determined by the emergency of economic needs.

Picture 48 19th Century P 185 “Surveying the Nawalapitiya extension” 5.5x3.5

1873 The railway to Gampola was opened for goods traffic on January 15th and for passengers on February 1st 1873

1874 In December 1874, the railway was opened for traffic as far as Nawalapitiya, Dimbula, Dickoya, Maskeliya, and Matale. There were still others pressing on the government their claim for railways. The Governor suggested that the coffee planters should give a guarantee of 6% of the cost through an export duty on coffee, if a deficiency occurred after a year’s working.

1876 A railway Commission reported that 25 miles of railway (broad gage) could be constructed from Nawalapitiya to Rosita for Rs. 5,500,000, on which the traffic would pay 4% to 5%. If extended to Nanuoya, the profit would be 6%, and if taken further to Haputale, a further 73 miles, the return would be 8%.

1878 The Secretary of State for the Colonies sanctioned the extension as far as Nanuoya. Tenders were called for its extension to Uva.

1880 Meanwhile, the Matale extension had been sanctioned. It was opened to traffic eight months before the due date, the contractor being David Reid, with whom H. K. Rutherford was associated.

1884 The railway extension as far as Hatton was opened for traffic on June 4th 1884, as far as Talawakelle in November and as far as Nanuoya in May 1885.

At the commencement of the clearing of the forests in the Central Province, many Kandyan and low country Sinhalese, tempted by the high wages offered by the planters, flocked to these areas for employment. The type of work called for by the “White Man” did not suit their ways. They soon returned to their villages to cultivate their paddy fields. It was at this stage that the British planter was compelled to turn to the South India for their requirements of labour.
(Ceylon Ancient and Modern----Coolie migration page 309)

It was the development of modern Ceylon through the establishment of a plantation sector, commencing with coffee that created the demand for labour, and generated the process of immigration. The economic expansion of the country from about the early 1830’s was entirely dependent on British entrepreneur-ship, immigrant labour, and foreign capital. Plantation agriculture emerged in the country as a highly land and labour intensive system, based on low productivity and low wage policy. Just as the Negro was uprooted from their tribal homelands in Africa and made to work the cotton and the sugar plantations in the New World, so was the surplus Indian worker exported to neighbouring countries to work the plantations.

Ceylon in a way was lucky to have had within close proximity, a mass of dispossessed people who had little or nothing other than their labour to sell. This no doubt was a colonial legacy created by the British, in their attempts to establish a plantation economy in India. In the process, India was transformed into a great labour market, second only to the African continent.

In Ceylon the transformation of the county’s economy began from about the 1830’s with the opening of the forests in the mid country for coffee and later the highlands for tea. The obvious choice was the native population from the neighbouring villages. The Sinhalese on the other hand, had no interest in taking up employment as wage labourers for the British planter. Every Sinhalese had an attachment to his village, and furthermore he always had a stake in his father’s properties. After the abolition of rajakariya in 1848, they got themselves well established in their own villages and tended their own lands, and showed no desire to move out to the fast developing coffee districts.

To the poor people of South India, stricken with frequent droughts, the fast developing plantation sector in Ceylon offered them all the opportunities to ward off starvation. The serendipity of greener pastures offered in Ceylon was irresistible, and with it the availability of cheap labour in sufficient numbers to work the plantations was solved. It was a great relief and a sense of satisfaction for the pioneer British planters. Had South India not been in a state bordering on famine throughout the 19th century, the history of Ceylon would have been written differently.

The first batch of immigrant labourers from South India to work the coffee plantations were imported by Bird and Barnes, the pioneer coffee planters in 1828. The resourceful British planter on arrival in Ceylon would not have had any experience in handling labour, but they did not hesitate to exploit this abundant human resource. The early settlers were employed to clear jungle, and build roads and railways, thus preparing the infrastructure for a plantation economy. From the late 1830’s the trickle of Indian labour developed into a stream.

The conditions of the immigrant labour from South India in the early 19th century to say the least, was most appalling. Wages were low and irregularly paid and grievances met by force. Despite these hardships, Indian labourers flowed in by the thousands each year. Between 1830 and 1880 over three million labourers were recruited from South India. .

Ponnambalam Arunachalam, who was fighting the cause of the South Indian worker admitted that they were better fed, clothed and housed in the line rooms in the local plantations, than their fellow villages in India. The Indian labour force who came to Ceylon to work the plantations were recruited on a voluntary basis. They came from the lowest segment of society, and they did not require any form of coercion to persuade them to travel to the plantations in the country.

The journey to the coastal towns of South India from the interior, carrying with them all their worldly belongings on their heads was no easy task. The journey through the Palk Strait to Ceylon, in a fragile fishing boat that followed was equally treacherous Those who died on board were given a watery burial. The early routs via Mannar and the North Road were often referred to ,as the “Death Road”, due to the number that perished along the way.

After setting foot on Ceylon soil, they had even a more dangerous journey to undertake through jungle footpaths to their final destination. Drinking water was scarce, and these tracks were infested with deadly wild life, snakes, leeches, and above all the malaria mosquitoes. The sick and those who could not match the pace of the walk, were left behind, to be devoured by the jackals that follow the marchers. After many days of walking, they would approach their journey’s end. A very high percentage of those who braved the quest for a better life, fell by the wayside, due to starvation, illness, fatigue, or attack by wild animals.

Their primitive accommodation would take the form of a leaky thatched hut in the shivering climate. He often felt happy and contended, carrying distressing memories of his past, but hopeful of a brighter future.

With vast changes taking place, a new class of people from the low country were making their way to the hills in search of new opportunities. They were the carpenters, masons, and other artisans and traders with their wares in bullock carts, wanting to make a ready sale in these fast-developing areas. They conducted a thriving business in the sale of arrack and toddy, the most sought after intoxicant of the day, to the labourers of the plantations. On their return journey, they brought back the estate produce to Colombo for onward transmission to Western markets. The origin of some of today’s transport agencies could be traced to the bullock cart era of the past.

Emigration to Ceylon during the early stages was of a seasonal character, and their services were required only during the picking season. On completion of this task, they would return to their native villages in South India. Figures fluctuated depending on the economic distress at that end or on boom conditions at this end. Emigration reached a peak level of 150,000 during 1877 and 1878, which coincided with the great famine in South India.

Coffee plantation agriculture in Ceylon did not have a uniform history. Its growth and production were subjected to financial and market conditions abroad and could be easily distinguished as follows. The period 1823 to 1839 was mostly spent on opening up of the plantations. There was rapid expansion during the period 1839 and 1846. A severe depression struck the coffee industry in 1847, but recorded steady growth thereafter. By the mid 1880’s a rapid decline commenced, and by 1890 the entire industry was ruined.

The collapse of coffee that originated in the early 1880’s had almost completely destroyed itself within such a short period of time, all due to the leaf fungus known as “Hemilela Vastatrix”. Reduced yields, and death of coffee bushes, turned thousand of acres unprofitable. The extent of coffee under cultivation declined from 310,000 acres in 1879 to 110,000 acres six years later. This disintegration of coffee not only decreased the scale of immigration, but also led to a greater emigration of Indian labour from the island.

After the destruction of the coffee industry, the same land, capital and labour was procured to cultivate tea. It is said that the tea in Ceylon was planted in the ashes of the coffee bushes, and so it formed the nucleus for the expanding tea industry. Tea replaced coffee rather hastily, as James Taylor had already carried out the necessary experiments on Loolecondera way back in 1867. By 1894 the total extent under tea had surpassed the peak coffee acreage, as there were no restrictions to the elevation at which tea could grow.

This vast expansion in the cultivation of tea called for additional labour. More Indian labourers were imported, and emigration trends revived to former levels. Tea required a permanent labour force, as it required continuous attention.

It was at this stage that immigration to Ceylon increased more than emigration, as the trend was for a more permanent settlement of Tamil labourers in the country. Permanent settlements accelerated the process of family migration, as work was available for women and children as well.

Rubber cultivation was started towards the end of the 19th century, and these plantations were mainly concentrated in the mid and low country areas. The acreage under rubber increased rapidly from 750 acres in 1898 to 150,000 in 1920. Since rubber plantations were for most part surrounded by Sinhalese villages, permanent employment was always available to the commuting villager. The resident labour force however was drawn from the Tamil community.

The system of recruitment of Tamil labour prevailed up to the time when Ceylon gained Independence from the British in 1948, and under the Ceylon Citizenship Act No 18 of 1948, they became stateless. They were reckoned to be aliens, and they could not claim citizenship rights in the newly formed independent state of Sri Lanka.

All Indian labourers who sought employment on estates were issued with a Registration Certificate. Attached to this document was his discharge certificate (DT) that was his passport and his life sustainer. This was carefully lodged in the head office of the estate, as no duplicates were issued. In those days the termination of a worker’s service was an easy task, and more often than not, it was done for the most trivial of reasons. Once a DT is issued on a labourer, he had to vacate the estate with his family. He had no recourse to law, and the discharge certificate he carried, had all the reasons for his dismissal. The enrolling superintendent would scrutinise this document before offering fresh employment.

Visitations to their villages in South India were not undertaken on a regular basis. This formed the only channel of communication, as postal services were non existent or most unreliable. Once the Talaimannar rail link and the ferry service became available, this form of travel became more frequent, and there were instances when about one third of the total estate labour force at any given time had been away. This floating population became more settled, only after they were given citizenship rights under the various political pacts between India and Sri Lanka.

Lack of unity and awareness of common goals and interests, together with the Head Kangani system and the planter’s dislike of unionism he says, have been the main reasons for this long delay.

It had been a slow process, and the echoes of the vibrant events in India during this period, were clearly heard in Ceylon. The uncompromising grasp of the Planter Raj was challenged. With it came the new philosophy regarding the rights of workers, universal franchise, which was ultimately granted by the British in 1931.

The formation of a strong trade union in the plantation sector had been restrained due to lack of unity between the trade union leaders. Fragmentation, and leadership rivalries have not helped to strengthen the unity and solidarity among the workers. As a consequence, the union’s role and the power to act as pressure groups, began to decline. The rivalries among the different unions and their leaders often obstructed joint trade union action, The development of the trade union movement in Ceylon, unlike in England and other industrial nations in the world, have become attachments to political parties, instead of acting as independent pressure groups upon the political Parties.

The active participation of trade unions in the body politics of the country no doubt, has obtained for themselves very significant benefits that they now enjoy. Some of these advantages stand in unmistakable contrast to their counterparts in the villages. Union agitation has enabled three or more people from a family to be employed on the same estate. Rice and other essential foodstuffs are issued to them on credit. Under the Education ordinance of 1920, they are provided with schools. Rent free accommodation, with medical facilities at hand are available to all registered workers on estates. Work is guaranteed under the Minimum Wage Act of 1927. They, in addition are provided the facility of rearing cattle, and market gardening. Their children are fed free. When the final day dawns he is laid to rest on the estate in a coffin provided free of charge.

Today the estate worker has come a long way, and their literacy rate has improved tremendously over the years. They are more sensible today and cannot be blindly led on political issues. They are capable of deciding for their future, and no longer can they be led, in the blind acceptance of the union whip.

The one million strong populations of 160,000 family units are mostly concentrated in the Central, Uva, and Sabaragamuwa provinces. As citizens of Ceylon, they claim equal rights, and at the moment their demands are centred round the question of educational opportunities and the ownership of land and houses on par with other citizens of the country.

Given time, these requests are bound to be solved to the satisfaction of all concerned. It is most unfortunate that in the recent past, most of these issues have been politicised, to the extent that this group of people has acquired the political clout to dictate to governments, They have yielded to themselves the position of a “king maker." These are issues that all successive governments have faced, but a solution has to be found. It must be done in an atmosphere of mutual trust and understanding, but not under any pressure whatsoever from any quarter.

They who came to Ceylon as indentured labour to enrich the soil, first with coffee, and then with tea, cannot be disowned. The British brought them to the country, to be their burden-bearers, the pack-mules of colonial commerce. Their children, and their children’s children, grew up with the tea on the replanted lands. They knew every bush, every stone, and every gully. They planted the coffee and then the tea. The big trunk roads and the rail tracks, which they helped to lay from the tea country down to the coast, have now become an integral part of our country. The blood, sweat and tears of the many generations that went to build our new Ceylon must be acknowledged.

They too have their own legitimate grievances. Fortunately for them and the country, sympathetic and enlightened leadership on all sides can achieve all this and more

The preparation of the beverage from the berries however was totally unknown to the Sinhalese. The leaves were used in their curries, and the jasmine like flowers for ornamenting their shrines of Buddha.

Picture 17 19th Century P 58 “Coffee Culture (Top six pictures) 6.5x4.56x5

In 1804, Governor North built a coffee mill, and brought under cultivation the former Dutch plantations near Negombo, in the hope that it would become the chief export crop. It was doomed to failure from the initial stages of its growth. Prior to 1812, the annual coffee exports hardly exceeded 3,000 cwt.

The coffee cultivation initiated by Sir Edward Barnes in the early 1820’s was all concentrated in the central hills, and near the village of Matale. They were the pioneers in every sense of the word. Learning by trial and error was the only form of guidance accessible to them, as no research had been conducted earlier to determine the correct method to grow coffee commercially. More often than not, they were faced with economic failures, very little attention was paid to proper siting of their properties. They localised their efforts on unsuitable lands at lower elevations, and it took a long time to realise that the best way to guard against failure was to plant coffee at much higher elevations.

From about the mid 1850’s coffee plantations were opened in the forest-clad high elevations in Dimbula, Haputale, and the region around the Adams Peak. With this, the rush for land continued, and by 1860, vast tracts were opened in areas where tea displayed promise and guaranteed greater success. In the tea world of today, the following planting district names such as Dimbula, Dickoya, Madulsima, Hewa Eliya, Matale East, Sabaragamuwa, Haputale, and Udapussellawa are household words, and it would have been the same in the 1850’s.

The ownership of coffee plantations was largely European but not wholly so. Even as early as 1840’s a handful of Ceylonese capitalists such as Jeronis De Soysa, Alexander Dunuwille, Cornelius Perera, Galagoda Basnayake Nilame, and J P De Silva Karunaratne Muhandiram purchased plantation properties.

This catalogue of names should have increased during the later years, as the extent of land holdings of the Ceylonese had risen from 6.4 during the period 1871-1872 to 7.9 during the period 1880-1881.

Picture 18 19th Century P57 “A thriving coffee plantation”

The non-European stake in the coffee industry was considerably exaggerated due to non-availability of production figures in respect of smallholdings. It is however indicated that approximately 50,000 acres had been the share of the local coffee growers, and through a rough estimate, about 49 per cent of the acreage and 31 per cent of the properties in the Central Province were in the hands of the so called “Natives”.

When major change were taking place in the economy of the country during the British period in the early 19th century, it was said that every thing the Dutch tried to do, the British did better. This remark throws into sharp relief the difference between the Dutch and the British as Colonial powers. The British adopted a more liberal approach based on maintaining a perfect understanding between the rulers and the ruled. They abolished slavery, and they were less autocratic, and ruled the people with a great sense of responsibility.

The British had the added advantage of controlling the entire Island, which was denied to the Dutch. The country by then, had a network of strategic roads, with a garrison strong enough to suppress any local uprising. Ceylon it was felt, was admirably suited for coffee cultivation, but the natives had not the capital nor the industry to establish them. In 1801 General Maitland persuaded the Secretary of State to abolish Dundas’s Regulation of 1801 that forbade Europeans to acquire land in Ceylon, except within the district of Colombo. This enabled foreigners to open up vast tracts of land, and the first European to open a coffee plantation of some consequence was a civil servant named Bletterman. He lost all due to the poor condition of the soil where cultivation was undertaken.

It was only after the conquest of Kandy, that the European planters were able to penetrate the hill country where the ideal climate, for the cultivation of coffee was found. With the growth of coffee being perceived as a large-scale plantation crop, a complete transformation of the country's economy came about during the period 1834 and 1835

The hill country that was least exposed to foreign influence, suddenly became a hive of activity. Expansion in coffee cultivation led to the construction of a network of roads opening up the interior and linking it with the ports. As long as cinnamon remained the staple export, roads were of little importance, other than for strategic purposes. All cinnamon plantations were in close proximity to the ports, and porters carried all produce. With the expanding coffee industry, faster methods were found necessary.

It is well known that within the course of forty years, from 1837 onwards, Ceylon rose from a near military dependency to the position of one of the wealthiest of British Colonies. The vast expansion that took place during this period was entirely due to the expansion of the coffee industry.

During the days of its peak performance, it could command a revenue of pounds sterling 5,000,000 per annum through the export of this fragrant bean. For the European colonist, it was exclusively coffee that claimed their attention, although other crops such as coconuts, cinnamon, and rice cultivation were tried out. Jungle clearing for the cultivation of coffee continued at higher elevations in complete disregard to the suggestions made by people of more prudent disposition, who recommended the planting of mixed crops.

Destruction and the clearing of the most beautiful and varied tropical forests in the country went on, until about 500 square miles of the forest land was covered with one shrub, coffee Arabica, carefully planted and scientifically pruned.

Picture 27 19th Century P 238 “The Oriental Bank failed. A scene outside Colombo branch” 6.5x2.5

Mr. Geo Bird encouraged the systematic cultivation of coffee, and in 1825 opening up his own plantation near Peradeniya. It took a further period of time before the coffee industry made an impact on the European planters. With the introduction of the West Indies mode of cultivation in 1837 the industry blossomed and set the stage for further development of the coffee industry. They had to await the arrival of Mr. Robert Boyd Taylor from Jamaica to start on cocoa cultivation.

Doubtless, Ceylon became the graveyard to many British Sovereigns, but the vast amount of capital invested by them in the country for the construction of roads and bridges benefited the locals. Some of the villages and towns that sprang up virtually overnight, would have remained as wasteland and jungle, had it not been for the changes brought about with the expansion of the coffee industry. Their economic expansion continued further. The locals, after having acquired the skills in coffee cultivation, followed the European planter throughout the mountain zone of the country.

Coffee cultivation got a further boost, through the energies of the Governors such as Sir. Henry Ward, Sir Hercules Robinson, and Sir William Gregory that followed, and by 1877 exports rose to over a million cwts, worth about five million Pounds Sterling in the European markets.

Large plantations were opened up in Gampola, Peradeniya, and one at Gannoruwa which Sir Edward Barnes himself pioneered. By 1843, Ceylon was known as a coffee producing country with Kandy its coffee capital. A way of life began to evolve on the coffee estates, and P. D. Millie, a senior planter recalled, “I lived in a mud and wattle hut 20 by 12 feet partitioned by a mat. The boxes are stored under the bed, and a big box served as a dinning table. A low cast was taken to cook rice and curry, and he could cook nothing but rice and curry.”

Mary Stuart who lived on Pallekelle, which came to be known as “Ranee Totum.” She was very kind to her workers and in one of her dreary moods wrote, “ The first thing that strike one is intense loneliness – day after day passes without a glimpse of a white face, a visitor brings as if it were a whiff of air from the outer world – to beguile the long hours, I began writing my impressions.”

Emerson Tennent recalls that all arrangements for the cultivation of coffee in Ceylon were made on board ships during the far eastern rout The early arrivals in the country often ended up in Gampola which meant Ganga-sri-poora, “the stately city by the river” It was the last native capital of Ceylon, before the expiring dynasty was removed to Kotte, about the year 1410.

Although Gampola enjoys a long cherished history, it has a more elevated contemporary interest. It was one of the first places in which the methodical culture of coffee was attempted. As a result of this endeavour, it became the focal point at which the great road coverage connecting the rich districts of Pussellawa, Dimbula, Kotmale, and Ambagamuwa, with Colombo and Kandy originated. There was hardly a mountain or a valley where coffee had not been tried out in these regions.

The coffee plant is a native of Africa, but it is doubtful whether its usage as a stimulant had been discovered before the fifteenth century. The Arabs introduced it to India, and Ceylon had it soon after. The preparation of a beverage from its berries however was totally unknown to the Sinhalese. The tender leaves were used for curries, and the delicate flowers for beautification of temples and shrines.

The Dutch had begun to cultivate coffee in Ceylon, from about 1690, in the low country areas stretching from Negombo to Galle. These localities proved unfavourable, and before long the operation was suspended. The culture however, although neglected by the government, was not completely abandoned. The locals having appreciated the value of this product continued to grow it in small quantities.

The berries were collected from the interior and brought to Colombo and Galle, and bartered with the Moor traders for household appliances. Exports during the early stages were mainly from those collected from smallholdings, Coffee exports according to Bertolacci were as follows.

Local coffee was found to be excellent, but it could not be raised to advantage in comparison with that of Java, where the project was proved eminently successful. It was only after the termination of hostilities and the final unification of the country by the British in 1815, that the cultivation of coffee was undertaken more seriously.

Coffee did not establish a clear supremacy until about 1840. The plantation enterprise as advocated by the British during the early 19th century was characterised by experimentation in a variety of cash crops. With the conquest of Kandy, the stage was set for a big hoist in coffee cultivation.

Picture 23 Old Prints P309 “pioneering works have started” 6x4

The motivation given by Sir Edward Barnes to encourage the cultivation of coffee could not have been better timed. This moment was rendered auspicious by a concurrence of a series of favourable circumstances. This gave the industry a head start over others. The duty relief granted by the state in 1825 on coffee imports to Britain helped to almost double the consumption of coffee in the country.

Accordingly, coffee consumption in the Western Europe began to rise. It became a necessity of life for the poor, and a luxury to the affluent classes. Before the first crop of coffee could be shipped to the U.K Ceylon’s formidable rivals Jamaica, Dominica, and Guinea, were faced with internal discord, due to the conduct of the slaves just prior to their emancipation.

Production steadily declined, at a time when Ceylon was about to launch on a new career. Ceylon, almost over night was transformed from a lethargic military cantonment into a resourceful British Colony. Ceylon led the crusade by shifting the supply line of this much-wanted beverage from the Western to the Eastern hemisphere, and from thereon, exports began to rise as the following figures would indicate.

Governor Barnes continued to encourage coffee growers In addition to constructing a network of roads he pioneered a series of legislative reforms, to assist the growth of the industry.

The frenzied rush to open up coffee plantations commenced thereafter. The civil servants, the military, the clergy, and above all, a new clan of speculators were all there, and in 1841 more than 78,840 acre had been sold. There was feverish activity, and these areas resounded with the blows of the woodmen’s axe and the crash of falling trees.

In the very next year, nearly four thousand acres of mountain forest were felled and planted with coffee. The mountain ranges on all sides of Kandy in the Dumbara, Ambagamuwa, Kotmale, and Pussellawa soon became covered with coffee plantations. Once the fertile lands in these areas were exhausted, they climb upwards to the steep hills of Nuwara Eliya, and then to the sprawling grasslands of Badulla.

The pathless woods the pioneers opened up became before long became flourishing coffee gardens. The tracks they created were converted into highways, and the log-huts they lived in were replaced with beautiful bungalows.

The rate of expansion of the coffee industry that took place during this period could be measured in terms of the crown lands sold during 1837 and 1845.

The part played by the Ceylonese in the promotion of this industry in the country is well documented. Some writers believe that “peasant coffee” cultivation developed as a result of plantation growth. There is however reliable evidence to suggests that the smallholder coffee production in fact preceded plantation coffee production. The British did not have prior knowledge of coffee cultivation, and they were forced to follow the path laid down by the locals. During the early stages, native coffee exports exceeded the volume of plantation exports.

Picture 24 Old Prints P 243 “Peacock Hill Coffee Estate, an object of beauty and interest”6x4

The local smallholder of coffee suffered from a major obstacle when it came to establishing world prices. To the natives, coffee cultivation was only a subsidiary to rice cultivation. It was grown in home gardens, and seldom obtained the tender care it required for its growth. The berries were often collected prematurely, and damaged during curing. Due to these imperfections, native coffee failed to obtain prices in keeping with plantation varieties.

Besides all these shortcomings, the smallholders were not organised so as to command authority at the marketplace. They were at the mercy of the merchants who controlled their sales. Further, they did not have the resources to expand the cultivation in keeping with world requirements, and with it the plantation sector began to expand. The steady expansion in coffee production after about 1839 was mainly due to expansion in the plantation sector.

This was the first time that the haunts of the wild elephants were invaded. Coffee was the talk of the day, and thousands of South Indian labourers, attracted by these new opportunities invaded the island. During the decade preceding the 1840’s, economic development in the country had been strangled for want of capital. The civil servants with their meagre savings were the nearest approach to financiers, the country could provide. Many of them lost, mostly to bad soil, lavish expenditure, and inexperience. The civil servants were paying more attention to their plantations than to their administrative duties. In 1845 Lord Stanley ended this unsatisfactory situation by forbidding the acquisition of plantations by officials, and at the same time restoring adequate salaries.

Most of the pioneer planters were totally ignorant of the ways with tropical agriculture. The capital requirements to develop a new estate had been heavily underestimated during that time. This explains the partial collapse of the industry in 1847.

The original plantations were opened up on the Kandyan Mountains, at elevations ranging from 1,500 to 4,500 feet. Besides buying, clearing, erecting buildings and machinery and planting coffee, the owner had to maintain the plantations for a further three years before the first crop could be harvested. If his plantation had no direct access to a government road, he would have been compelled to build his own road at his own expense.

Picture 25 Early Prints P 263 “Expenses often underestimated” 5.5x4

When a new crop is tried out, there is always the tendency to underestimate expenses and exaggerate returns. This was the fate of the early planters, and when they realised that they had undertaken a task beyond their means, it was too late. Many returned to England, entrusting the care of their estates to Colombo merchants, and sometimes to inexperienced planters, who had very little knowledge of cost management.

The very high prices paid for coffee in England during the late 1830’s gave the impression that coffee had come to stay, and coffee planting became a mania. There was extravagance in every department of expenditure, and a wild race to competition, as to who would have the first crop. This raised costs of every item to astronomical levels.

In the midst of these perceptions of riches, a collapse suddenly appeared, which awoke the victims to the realities of the situation. The coffee industry was totally dependent on British capital, and their financial collapse of 1845 soon displayed its harmful influence on Ceylon. Funding ceased, prices crashed, confidence failed, and as a cautioning measure, the government withdrew the duty by which British grown coffee was protected from competition from other producers. It was estimated that during the period 1840 and 1845 about £5,000,000 had been invested in Coffee in the island.

All hopes were blasted and estates were forced into the market. Two valuable estates in Badulla worth pounds sterling 10,000 each was sold for pounds sterling 350 and 500 respectively.

In 1852 about 90% of the speculators lost all., 7% picked up only the fragments of their properties, 2% who took the hint of what was coming got off clear, and 1% made a fortune. According to Mr Ferguson, about one-tenth of the properties were abandoned. In 1830 there had been only one European agriculturist settled in the island. The blame for the first coffee crash should no doubt be attributed to the short sighted policy of the government of the day for neglecting the interest of the colony in favour of the foreigners by a sudden reduction in the preferential duties that protected the coffee grown in the colonies.

The highly speculative elements who wanted to muster immense fortunes within a short period of time, were soon replaced by a group of moderates, and learning from the mistakes of others, were able to once again place the country’s coffee enterprise on a satisfactory footing. Improved methods of cultivation were evolved gradually, and this was made possible through the good work of R.B.Tytler, who had done extensive work on the Jamaican methods of planting coffee. These methods were applied to local coffee plantations with great success.

When the coffee industry took off on its second wave of prosperity with land and capital freely available, they were faced with a labour shortage. The rate of progress began to slow down, and this trend was mainly due to the non-availability of a regular labour force to do the hard and continuous work on the plantations. This problem however was solved by the emigration of South Indian Tamil labour. This influx started in 1839, when about 2,432 South Indians came to Ceylon, and this tendency rapidly increased.

Picture 26 !9th Century P 38 “A Tamil woman” 3x4

The bright orange spots that were later established as the “Coffee Leaf Disease” that appeared on an estate in a remote corner of Badulla, was treated as a matter of little concern. The sudden increase in the international price of coffee completely eclipsed the gradual decrease in crop intakes. The insidious leaf disease had been working deadly mischief. When it was found difficult to arrest, the planters had no option but to turn to science. It was found too communicable for arresting, and before long it had spread to coffee districts of India and Java’

After a grand accomplishment, the great industry was heading towards disaster. The conflict within the plantation community that followed with the discovery of the coffee rust on Galloola estate Madulsima, in 1867 lasted until it was completely destroyed ten years later. This caused widespread ruin that drove more than six hundred European planters to seek new pastures in foreign lands.

The few that remained were forced to enforce the strictest prudence to salvage the situation. Thousands of acres raised with such tender care were uprooted and burnt under the watchful eyes of the very planters who planted them. Cinchona cultivation was undertaken as a bridge, and carried on until tea, considered a hardier plant was discovered. Unlike coffee, it was found to grow successful from sea level to close on 7,000 feet, as long as the soil and rainfall were favourable.

The old chronicles on Ceylon’s plantation industry have on record the names of G. D. B. Harrison, W. Martin Leake, James Taylor Sir Graeme Elphinston and A. M. Ferguson as been the pioneers of the tea era. Their valuable works have been meticulously documented. Had it not been for their untiring labour expended towards this new venture, tea too could have faded into insignificance.

The scientific information provided by the Royal Botanical Gardens at Peradeniya and Kew Gardens England, through the inexhaustible works of Drs. Thwaites, and Trimen cannot be overlooked at this stage. It was Dr. Thwaites that sounded the first alarm about the coffee fungus. Thereafter, he paid attention to other subsidiary crops such as cinchona and tea. Dr. Trimen encouraged the cultivation of cocoa.

According to him, the total amount of coffee raised in Ceylon was about 20,000,000 hundredweight as a direct result of imported British capital. The cost of production including financial charges, was worked out at pounds sterling 2 and shillings 2 per hundredweight. . With the average selling price fixed at pound sterling 3 per cwt. The coffee enterprise would have earned a net profit of pound sterling 18,000,000.

It was also ascertained that plantations of not more than 320,000 acres had yielded the coffee so produced in its totality. After allowing for lands abandoned, the average cost of the estate, including the purchase of the land, had not certainly exceeded pounds sterling 25 per acre. This involved a capital outlay of pound sterling 8,000,000. On this simple equation, there should have been a sum of pound sterling 10,000,000 of liquidated profits returned to the capitalist, besides the refund of the principle.

In addition, there should still remain existing areas of at least 200,000 acres from the original 320,000 acres. This simple computation only leads us to believing that the British commitment in the coffee industry had resulted in an off take of pound sterling 12,000,000 in the form of profits.

Picture 29 Early Prints P 281 “Land consigned to weeds and waste” 4.5x7

At the time of the coffee crash, if one were to have looked at some tracks of land, which had been consigned to weeds and waste tracks that for long years had poured forth-rich harvests for their owners, only narrate a sad story. If on the other hand, the owners had decided to settle on them, with their families, their homesteads, and above all with their accumulated profits, rather than desert them at the first signs the coffee fungus, the situation would have been totally different. Perhaps, those lands laid to waste would have been thriving farms, where the natural fertility could have been increased by scientific treatment. There was also the possibility of growing other suitable crops, on these plantations, wherever coffee had failed.

Unfortunately for the country, the wealth had been accumulated elsewhere, out of Ceylon. Although there were visible signs of material wealth since the establishment of the plantation enterprise in the form of increased revenue, great public works, railway, roads, and harbour works, there were no local finances in the form of reserves to meet periods of short crops and financial disasters that surfaced in 1879.

British involvement in Ceylon’s plantation industry no doubt helped to expand the nation’s cultivation of exportable articles, which in turn enriched the people in a way visible on all sides, but the distribution of wealth derived from foreign capital was only confined to a few wealthy Ceylonese.

With the enlargement of the plantations, the Ceylonese were able to take advantage of the service sector that was expanding equally fast. In a similar manner, it is appropriate to mark off the advantages Ceylon had gained through British intervention in the country. To arrive at a more accurate model of the situation, we are once again forced to turn our attention to John Ferguson, who had researched much on the subject.

The greatest material change from the Ceylon of Pre-British days to Ceylon of 1887 he said “was most certainly in respect of internal communication”. It was an accepted fact that the first and most potent means of extending civilisation were found first in roads----second in roads----and the third again in roads.

Picture 30 The Pioneers P 151 “A prophecy fulfilled” 4x9.5

When the British arrived in Ceylon in1796, their biggest issue was to secure the country strategically, as the country lacked any form of road communication. Sir Edward Barnes who governed the country from 1824 to 1831 grasped this difficulty and before he resigned, all towns of importance were connected with a carriage road. Before the British pioneer planters began work in 1837, Ceylon was a mere military dependency, costing the mother country a good round sum each year.

When the coffee era was ending, the local population had more than doubled, and the military strength greatly reduced to about a thousand from six thousand earlier, with an enormous upsurge in revenue. This meant that the lifestyles of the people were gradually improving and they were better cared in every way. During the early stages of coffee cultivation, a sum of pound sterling 30 to 40 million had been paid to locals connected with the plantations. Job opportunities increased with economic development, and about 200,000 Tamil labourers who were in the country when the great famine struck India in 1878, were saved.

According to the official records, the average annual earnings of a family of five in South India were about pound sterling 3 shillings 12 or 1 shilling six pence a month, which in fact works to half pence per head per day. Qualifying factors that prevailed in Ceylon her immediate neighbour during that period were extensively different. Each family could have earned 9 to 12 shillings per week and save half the sum.

Picture 31 19th Century P 38 “A south Indian Tamil woman” 3x4

During this period of transition, it was the South Indian labourer who stood to gain in relation to their local counterparts. Their involvement in the plantation industry was only limited to a few specialised assignments. The indigenous labourers no doubt suffered along with the masters when the depression struck, but with the revival of tea as a profitable industry, they were materially better cared for. There was plenty of cheap food, fairly comfortable dwellings, and vegetable plots that helped them to arrive at a better standard of living.

In contrast, only about 10 % of the British planters who worked during the period 1837 to 1870 benefited materially by coming to Ceylon. About 90 % lost their money, health or even their lives, but they pioneered an enterprise in coffee that was the backbone of the island. This in turn helped to promote an industry and the general performance of the country through surplus revenue.

The plantation industry in a way, helped to activate the entire economy of the country. It helped to build new townships and villages. This in turn brought a train of peddlers, tavern keepers, and others who were to profit with the expansion-taking place. With it came the need for consumer goods, and accordingly the import trade grew,

This increased business climate opened up new avenues of employment for the merchant, the retailer, the transporter, and their servants. This brought into existence a new category of shopkeepers, domestics and others, who but for the success of coffee planting, would not have found such profitable employment.

The effects of these enhanced economic activities were not confined to the frontiers of this colony alone. The import of consumer goods gave employment to hundreds of sailors, and more for those employed in the ship building industry. Increased demand for rice would have driven South Indian labourers to extra work and play. Extra use of cloth should have activated spinners and weavers into doing extra work, and correspondingly improved the demand for machinery resulting in added benefits to those engaged in the production of such things in Birmingham, and Sheffield. Who could have envisaged at what point the links of this chain would have terminated.

The material changes that took place in the planting districts of Ceylon during the coffee days have been spectacular. What appeared as barren waste or thick jungle, in the course of time was dotted with villages and towns. Gampola, Badulla, and Matale that consisted only of a rest house, and a few huts had sprung up like magic, says Ferguson. The Nawalapitiya town that did not exist in 1837 had turned into a popular town, while Teldeniya, Madulkelle, Deltota, Haldamulla, Lunugala, Passara, Welimada, Balangoda, Ratotta, Rakwana, Yatiyantota, was beginning to feel the favourable impact of the growing coffee enterprise.

All the talk about planters and barbecues, coolie immigration, overland and penny post, Bishops and agents of governments, and Legislative Councils, and banks, news papers and mail coaches, in the 18980’s according to Ferguson, would have confused any local who lived a fifty years before. Such like was the development that took place during this period, which prompted Sir Edward Creasy in his history of England to say, “I have seen more human misery in a single Winter’s day in London than I have seen during my nine years stay in Ceylon.”

Picture 32 Pioneers P 149 “The Royal Mail Coach” 7x4

Picture 28 Early Prints P 313 “Ravages of the coffee fungus”

Many superintendents were thrown out of employment and were forced to return to their countries. A few indomitable planters however stuck to their posts and began to turn their attention to other products. The period between mid 1860’s and the mid 1880’s turned out to be the most critical period for the planters. It was in fact a period of remembering the old and nurturing the new.

The disheartened planter was forced to turn his attention to new products such as cinchona, and later tea. The first investment opportunities that came the way of the British capitalist in Ceylon were a failure, when coffee had to be abandoned within a short period of about forty years. This no doubt greatly embarrassed the British capitalist, and made him lose confidence regarding the future of the colony as a field for investment, and within the British circles, Ceylon came to be censured.

All these obstacle had to be encompassed. Those who remained, in true British style, began to extol the virtues the country could still offer for gainful employment of capital. Before pursuing other avenues, the location of Ceylon in the Eastern world, favoured the country in more respects than one. Its freedom from atmospheric disturbances, assured the prospective investor of a safe sea passage to the island.

Picture 33 The Book of Ceylon No. 24 “Queens Street Colombo” 4.5x3

Colombo was well protected from the intermittent hurricanes and cyclones that interrupt shipping in the exposed Madras roadstead. The western side is beyond the regions of the hurricanes that, extending from Mozambique, visit so disastrously the coasts of Madagascar, Mauritius, and Zanzibar.

The damage caused to coffee and rice from the rainstorms, associated with the south-west and north-east monsoons, is no comparison to those experienced by planters in Java and Mauritius. The eastern side is equally free from the frequent eruptions and earthquakes associated with the countries further east of the country.

It was again an acknowledged fact that Ceylon, situated in the pathway of the two monsoons with an ample and well-balanced rainfall, was a perfect paradise for leaf crops, rather than for fruit. The greatest uncertainty regarding coffee prevailed during the six weeks of blossoming season when too much or too little rain often destroys the crop. Further, the cultivation of coffee was limited to an altitude of 2,000 and 5,000 feet above sea level, but tea was flourishing from sea level to over 6,000feet. Tea was regarded a hardy plant in comparison to coffee, but the greatest advantage was found in cheap labour available for its cultivation, leaf plucking and preparation.

“Not often is it that men have the heart, when one great industry is withered, to rear up in a few years another as rich to take its place, and the tea fields of Ceylon are as a true a monument to courage as in the Lion of Waterloo.” Conan Doyle.

Picture 49 Early Prints P 44 “Tea gets established in the Kandyan valleys” 6x3.5

Ceylon enjoyed a well-balanced climate with an abundance of moisture and heat. If too much of rain was found hostile to coffee at blossom time, it was found ideal for this new crop. This discovery once again attracted the attention of the British capitalist.

The hard-headed Scots had already accomplished the rough work of pioneering in the early days, when the second rush for tea began after the failure of coffee. Despite the coffee crash, Ceylon still presented an opening for training as planters of tea, cinchona, or cocoa provided the necessary capital was available.

It was a new brand of young persons that arrived in the country to continue in tea, and they had all the opportunities to learn thoroughly the mysteries of tea, cinchona, and other tropical products. They had to be persons with pluck and energy, determined to fight their way against all odds. They had to be persons of one mind, ready to first serve an arduous apprenticeship, for there was no royal road to tea planting. Since 1833 about 1,300,000 acres of crown land had been sold at an average price of 10 shillings 8 pence up to about 1844 and from 1844 to 1833 the average had been 35 pence and the upset price in 1887 was 16 shillings.

A repeat of the coffee crisis had to be avoided and all energies were directed towards making tea a success. During those days, it had been the News Papers in Ceylon that greatly aided the planter in acquiring this pre-eminence. It is recorded that “The Ceylon Observer” had sent special correspondents to report on the state of tea in Assam and Darjeeling, on the cinchona gardens of the Nilgiries, and of Java, and to West Africa, to learn all about Liberian coffee These research publications on all tropical plants were well known throughout the tropics.

The “The Tropical Agriculturist” that was started in 1881 by John Ferguson as a periodical published by the “Ceylon Observer” served as the young planters’ catechism. It had references to everything that concerned agriculture in tropical and sub-tropical regions.

The depression of 1879 saw many a Ceylon trained planter, seeking fortunes elsewhere, and some of the South Indian planting districts were referred to as being “off-shoot settlements” of Ceylon. Others had a choice of a vast array of other fast developing countries in the world.

With the success of tea, most of the wondering colonists returned home to participate in the cultivation of this new crop. There was ample scope for capitalists, with the government still offering vast extents of forestland well suited for tea. A favourable factor that emerged from the depression was the tendency to secure the utmost economy in the utilisation of capital, unlike earlier, where the funds were more easily plundered.

The export trade in tea began in 1873 with 23 lbs. By 1879 this quantity had increased to 100,000 pounds and within the next ten years it had risen to 34,000,000 lbs. And by the turn of the century, Ceylon was exporting 125,000,000 lbs, from about 380,000 acres. At this stage certain amount of apprehension crept into the plantation community regarding overproduction, and this was checked by fixing the value of the rupee at 1s, 4d.

The excess tea had to be marketed, amidst competition from other sources. The planters spared no pain to take their wholesome teas, so very carefully prepared in factories equipped with the latest and best machinery, to all the likely consumers in the world. Exhibitions were held in North and South America, in Australia and in Paris, with funds raised from a self imposed cess. It goes to say that the Ceylon planter had no enemies, but they took it all on the stride and before long they were able to make an impression in all promising markets in the world.

Picture 50 Early Prints P 243 “Peacock Hill coffee estate soon turned to tea” 6x4

The convenience of a quick and an easy passage to Ceylon from England through the Suez Canal, and by rail or road to the hill-country, also prompted many British capitalists to look in this direction for investment. With Ceylon now proved a safe heaven, the second influx of British capital into the country, started to gather momentum once again. In this instance, it took a very judicious course, being sensitive to the establishment of yet another monoculture system of agriculture in the country.

To the average British, the name of Ceylon was chiefly spices which imparted their fragrance to the very air, and coffee came in later. Whilst Ceylon’s superior quality spices and coffee remained most important articles of trade, it was Ceylon’s tea that ultimately became the staple product for which the island is most celebrated. Doubts were however expressed by those who have been watching the progress of the planting industries in the island, as to the wisdom of the agriculturists of the day, who failed to identify the potential available in Ceylon for the growth of tea rather than coffee in the first instance. They felt, that the original British investors should have been advised to plant tea rather than coffee, as the country was more adapted to the growing of tea.

Amongst other tropical and sub-tropical plants, the tea tree was found to be much hardier and more adaptable to varying conditions of altitude and soil. The hill country of Ceylon, with its comparatively high range of temperatures, afforded an almost a perfect home for the tea plant, a habitat almost as suitable as where it was first grown between Assam and China.
It is recorded that the Dutch had tried cultivating tea in Ceylon but did not pursue it. Reference is also made to a Matara tea plant, which the Sinhalese in the south of the island were accustomed to making an infusion. The tea tree however did not take root in the island until long after coffee was established

It was about the year 1860 that Worm Brothers, who did immense work in developing Ceylon, planted a field on the Ramboda Pass with Chinese cuttings. It proved that tea could be grown in the island. Mr Llewellyn too had tested some Assam seeds at Dolosbage about the same time, but no commercial results were achieved from these experiments.

Picture 51 Early Prints P 244 “Falls of Ramboda” 3.5x5

James Taylor, a pioneer coffee cum tea planter, on his estate at Loolecondera in Upper Hewaheta, opened 10 acres in tea. This ultimately turned out to be a success, and Taylor proved that tea could be grown profitably as an alternative plantation crop to coffee. There can be no doubt that the efforts of the British planting community of a century ago were made basically in their own interest, but it cannot be denied that they showed grit in turning away from a crop that had given them their livelihood for near half a century.

Although the subject of introducing new crops was freely discussed during the period, Governor Gregory positively encouraged it. All practical information to aid the planters of new products were made available, and he used all his personnel and direct influence, to secure their development.

The great rush for diversification took place after the failure of coffee in 1879. By then the experiment carried by Taylor had proved a great success. After seen the crash of coffee tea cultivation was undertaken in a more pragmatic manner. It was found that the tea planter could spread his risks more effectively during untimely downpours than the coffee planter. Excess rain could wreck the coffee blossoms, but it does no harm to tea. Bad weather during the coffee harvesting time that is confined to a few weeks could destroy the entire crop, but tea is harvested throughout the year. Coffee flourishes only at certain elevations, but tea grows at all elevations.

As coffee did during the mid-1850’s tea started its way to the top, still realising the fact that they were pursuing the cultivation of a single crop that could once again pose all the threats associated with a monoculture system of agriculture.

Despite this comprehensible frustration of a “repeat crash," the special advantages the country enjoyed relating to the cultivation of tea were far too assertive to be ignored.

Economic means of transport, served by both rail and road, from the main shipping ports, to all planting districts was a favourable factor. Freight was available at moderate rates to London, Australia and America. A docile and hard-working supply of free and fairly cheap labour from South India, was always at hand. The healthy character of nearly of all the island’s planting districts, with the hill country enjoying one of the finest climates in the world, with abundant rainfall and a soil rich in ammonia, were the ideal ingredients to develop leaf.

A large body of creative artisans to assist the planters in the workshops and factories, with the machinery and other processes of tea manufacture were at hand. A batch of planters who had already been through the portal of a financial crisis in coffee and, having experienced the fires of adversity, were by then alive to the new situation. It meant that cultivation of tea was going to be undertaken by a band of persons, devoid of the speculative element that was rampant among the pioneers of the coffee industry.

Picture 52 The Book of Ceylon 108 “Ceylon Government Railway” 15x5.5

Tea took the place of coffee, and the area planted rose from 10 acres in 1867 to 1000 acres in 1875 and to over 25,000 at the turn of the century. Correspondingly the tea exports rose and were averaging 68,000,000 during the latter part of the 19th century. With this vast expansion in tea cultivation taking place both in India and Ceylon, Britain was assured of steady supplies of this article of universal consumption from her own dependencies. Unlike Chinese tea, they were able to guarantee the utmost cleanliness of British grown teas, where machinery was freely used in its preparation.

Tea planters who left the country after the coffee crash, were seen trekking back to the Island. They saw a new horizon opening up in tea. They found unlimited scope for tea, than there was for coffee culture. Unlike coffee, tea was found to grow at all altitudes, from sea level to 6,500 feet and above, under suitable soil conditions and rainfall.

Picture 53 Pioneers P 118 (top) “Dead coffee bushes uprooted” 6.5x4

With this vast expansion in tea cultivation taking place, prices in international markets began to fall, and with it came the fear of over-production, particularly of low-grade teas. This trend had to be arrested. Ceylon needed more tea planters, who were knowledgeable in tropical agriculture, to continue in the work of the pioneers who had already started a plantation industry.

The country needed planters to take up existing properties, and plant them on more scientific lines. They had to reduce costs. This was only one aspect of the problem. Quality of the product had to be improved, and this was only possible by exercising extra care in the preparation of the product in the factory.

This meant further investments, and the second batch of planters who invaded the country was not just “green horns,” They had a sound knowledge of tea planting, and above all they had the necessary capital to advance the industry. These planters were able to facilitate its further growth at a time when the future of tea was threatened with overproduction.

The cultivation of plantation crops in the Island, no doubt aided the local population that composed of millions of residents, and an equal number of South Indian labourers. It has been demonstrated that every acre of land planted with a plantation crop, meant the support of five additional locals and to them this remained their only means of subsistence.

The clearing of highland jungles, for the cultivation of plantation crops, changed the layout of the country immensely. All the barren wastelands were made accessible by road and railway. To provide the accessory services, new villages and townships sprang up in every district. With the development of communication, low country traders who had no previous links with the interior, were able to conduct a flourishing business, providing them with their daily wants. This in turn encouraged the mobility of labour, and before long all the barren roadsides were lined with native huts and home garden vegetable plots.

Picture 54 Pioneers P 108 (top) “Jungle clearing changed the layout of the land” 6.5x5

Radical changes to the economy of the country commenced with the establishment of a plantation system. In 1837, the value of the import export trade that stood at less than a million pounds sterling increased to about 9,000,000 pounds' sterling in 1892, and the general revenue improving from pound sterling 372,030 to pounds sterling 1,400,000 during the period. The tea planters who followed the coffee planters found the graves of many a British planter who had lost all, but what was forfeited was fully regain by the natives.

With the success achieved with tea, Ceylon was converted from a mere military dependency to be the first of the most profitable Crown Colonies under British rule. All excess revenue was diverted towards the establishment of a sound economy. As reported by one of the Civil Servants of the day, “The well-being of the natives, the success of the civilian, the efficiency of the government, are all bound up closely with the good fortunes of the plantation industry, ” which in this instant was tea.

Between 1837 and 1877, revenue of the country increased from 4 to 17 million rupees, and with the coffee crash, it dropped to 12 million. Sir Arthur Gordon who governed the country during these difficult years had to use the finances most sparingly to keep up the administration, and the credit of the colony so as to secure railway extensions and irrigation works with his limited resources. It was tea that came to their rescue later, and the rapid spread of tea cultivation, the country saw the revenue rise to 25 million rupees, and Sir. Hercules Robinson had all this and more.

It had been the case at every instant, and a deviation from established patterns of trading was called for. Ceylon teas were unknown in Britain then, and any product identified with an unknown region was viewed with suspicion, and Ceylon teas were no exception to this general rule. Brokers and distributors were hostile towards these teas arriving from an unknown region, and they refrained from marketing them.

The brokers in Mincing Lane and the grocers were too slow in promoting the sale of this new product. To accelerate this trend and hasten its distribution, the European planters appointed their friends in England as agents for certain estates in Ceylon. They were supplied with small samples for distribution in the locality in which they lived. It was a slow process, to develop a longing for Ceylon teas.

It was no doubt a frustrating task, but the planters took it on the stride. By them, the planting community in Ceylon had developed very meaningful connections with their relations and friends back at home, and it was through them that the first attempts was made to popularise Ceylon teas, and a demand created. It was a pains-taking operation, but the determination of the planters saw to it that supplies of freshly made teas in small quantities were regularly dispatched to their contacts back at home, with specific instructions as to its preparation.

The parents of tea planters, their cousins, aunts and uncles all joined in the crusade to promote Ceylon teas. Those who had connections with the tea planting community in Ceylon had the opportunity of savouring Ceylon teas on a regular basis. Before long they acquired a taste and insisted on obtaining no other but Ceylon teas from the grocers, thereby creating a demand that had to be supplied. For the first few years this demand could not be met, as the shipments to London were small. Exports commenced with a few chests at a time, but before long, Ceylon teas took the British by storm.

They had to work hard to break the monopoly the Chinese teas held in the British beverage market. With larger quantities of Ceylon teas pouring into Britain on a regular basis thereafter, the planting community was forced to make a distinction between British grown teas and other primitive varieties. In this instant, it was the Chinese and the Japanese assortments that got the chop.

Picture 65 The Book of Coffee and Tea P 17 “Quality of Ceylon teas challenged” 5x8

In the case of all new ventures, Ceylon tea too had its share of problems to encounter, before it could find favour in international markets. Ceylon, in a way, was fortunate that the progress of the industry has been closely monitored, both at home, and in Mincing Lane in London. All available advises were readily forthcoming.

British interests, that fostered the tea industry in the country, could not afford to take evasive action. After having lost a fortune in coffee, the British were not inclined to throw good money after the bad. The initial shortcoming, as reported in London about “Ceylon Tea,” was its incapability to remain fresh. The original tea manufactured in the country had a tendency to “go off” after some time, and this was attributed to lack of skilful attention to detail, and under-utilisation of machinery.

Opinions were sought from experienced tea tasters in London, and they were unanimous in their verdict that the only objectionable character Ceylon teas had was its peculiar herbal flavour, which was not identified at the time of manufacture. While all spoke highly of its purity and strength, they all seemed to be of the opinion that it was not nearly so well cured, and prepared as Chinese tea.

Mr Exall, the tea analyst at the British Customs, was of the view that in the curing of Ceylon tea, the process of fermentation had not been sufficiently and properly carried out. The tea leaves, he felt, should have been exhausted further, and the essential oils, which were responsible for the unpleasant taste in the tea, had not been sufficiently destroyed and removed. The tea examiner at St Catherine dock warehouses held very much the same view but attributed the objectionable flavour partly to an assumed difference between the variety of tea grown in Ceylon, and to a difference in climate and soil, as compared to Chinese varieties.

There were many opinions expressed on this matter and, after many deliberations, an important factor emerged. Ceylon teas in London, despite these shortcomings, were found to realise much higher prices than Chinese tea. They were hardly known under their country of origin and appeared been used almost entirely for blending with Chinese tea to boost its strength.

It was only at this stage that an attempt was made to market Ceylon teas under their own name. The negative effects of the “hereby” flavour in Ceylon teas were amply compensated by its positive qualities of strength and purity. These observations, however, were not taken lightly by the tea planter, and they began to work out matter for themselves by making careful experiments in fermenting, noting the time occupied in the process, and the temperature at which it was carried out. Slight variances made to fermenting time made all the difference, and Ceylon teas once again became the favourite to the British consumer, as against the Chinese varieties.

Picture 66 Pioneers P 127 (bottom) “The Mazawattee Team of Zebras” 4.5x3

Recalling the processes through which the curing of coffee was perfected, “in the course of score of years, by the combined application of planters and engineers, to a pitch as near perfection as is possible,” it was felt that, in a much shorter time, the same experience will be realised in the case of the sister staple and as far as preparation was concerned, Ceylon tea would end up at the top of market. The planter and the engineer all worked in close partnership thereafter to perfect the art of tea manufacture, and the immediate results were most encouraging.

Prices for Ceylon tea recorded a steady decline from 1885 and the average price of a shillings and pence 3 ¼ recorded in that year declined to, pence 5 ¾ in 1902. The average cost of production, with a good crop in a favourable district, was estimated at around 26 cents per pound at estate level and 35 to 38 cents delivered in Colombo. At the then prevailing rate of exchange, delivery in London would have cost the estate 5 ½ to 6 pence per pound, while the average price realised for Ceylon teas fell below 6 pence per pound during 1900 and 1901, except perhaps for the best.

Picture 67 The Book of Coffee and Tea P 165 “Ceylon teas carefully scrutinised” 4x4

At these levels, estates yielding over 350 pounds per acre would have guaranteed a profit of about a penny per pound, but what about the others who could not make the grade. They had no option but to sell up. A large amount of privately owned plantations in the Ratnapura District, were sold during this period., and they were all purchased by Hopewell Tea Company Limited, for a total consideration of £56,150, with the sale of Alupola concluded in local currency of Rupees 50,000, as indicated below.

Lipton limited, secured Dambetenne Group, Nahakettia Group, and Oakfield in Haputale, Pooprassie Group in Pussellawa and Karandegolla Estate in Dumbura, for a total sum of pounds sterling 187,000.

Six estates in the Kelani Valley were sold to General Ceylon Tea Estates Limited in 1898 and the sale prices were as follows;

In addition, the General Tea Estate Limited had made further purchases of Gonamotowa and Berragale in Haputale District for £ 90,000, Gleneagles and Eagles Land in Kalutare for £ 17,500, Attabage in Gampola for £ 25,000, Clontarf also in Kalutara for £ 11,250, Hatale and Benveula at Wattegame for £ 18,000, and £ 7,000, respectively.

Though many properties changed hands during this period, the sale of Bossward in Dolosbage, with a total acreage of 267, with 10 acres under rubber, 172 acres under tea, and balance uncultivated, for Rs. 2,700, to E. L. F de Soysa, would have raised many an eyebrow, even in 1898. Poor prices retarded the steady progress made, but those who had the courage and determination carried on.

Picture 68 The History of the Tea Trade P 62 “Travelling salesman” 4x4

Before the turn of the century, the obvious question the planters asked was, “has Ceylon Tea reached its lowest price, or must we look for a further fall?" This was a period of stress for the planters and, perhaps for the first time, the London brokers came under heavy criticism. Their recommendations pertaining to tea cultivation and manufacture came to be challenged. The advice of the London brokers for plummeting tea prices was“ pluck fine and send home superior teas." The planters answer was, “plucking fine does not pay as well as medium plucking." Further, the teas especially affected by the price fall were those of better quality, and referring to the price lists issued by the brokers could have proved this position.

The complaint that Ceylon teas have fallen off in quality was not accepted by the planters, and they went further to accuse the London broker who had interests in Indian and Chinese teas, of wilfully attempting to undermine Ceylon tea as an inferior article.

Picture 69 History of the Tea Trade P 77 “Impression London Tea Auction” 6x4

The planters were forced to turn to other avenues of marketing and they were positive in their thinking that unless other markets were found, besides Mincing lane, they would probably see a more serious and a permanent fall. This was perhaps the first time the London brokers experienced a broadside attack. The sudden agitation of the Ceylon planter was viewed by the London broker as the first sign of a resentment that, if left to fester, could well lead to a loss of confidence, and this the brokers wanted to avoid at all costs. They felt that the planter needed further attention particularly during the early stages, and this facility they were prepared to grant.

The outcome was that there was more attention paid to Ceylon tea in London. It was pointed out that the planter that obtained the highest price was not necessarily the best planter, but those who could combine cheap expenditure with a fair average price, could end up with better profits. It was established during this period, that tea would cost in most instances, less than cents 30 delivered in Colombo. Taking an average price of cents 45 per pound on a yield of 300 pounds per acre, a profit of Rs. 9,000 on a property of 200 acres could be obtained. Many were the estates that could not make the grade and destined to failure.

In this desperate situation, the planters were free to express their views but at no stage were they prepared to subscribe to the view that Ceylon tea had deteriorated in quality. The fall in the rank order of Ceylon teas from the first in the world to a mere average, was unbelievable, and all the causes ascribed were regarded as conjectures.

No changes, either to cultivation methods or manufacturing techniques, had ever taken place in the country, so it was attributed to a manipulation of the trade. This was another point raised by the planters and dealers in tea, were no more exempt from the “customs of the trade “than dealers in other products.

Subsequent to the introduction of Ceylon teas in London, the same dealers have been handling Indian and Chinese teas and, with this new product flooding the home market, they naturally had to push the sale of the variety that would pay them best. In the process of equalising values to keep the whole business together, there was always the probability of keeping back Ceylon teas. Unable to serve all masters, they endeavoured to make all teas equal. This was the general thinking of the Ceylon planter, and he could not be blamed for entertaining such thoughts.

Picture 70 Tea Export Directory P 48 “Ceylon tea being served at the PATA Conference” 5.5x4

Retail dealers were also accused of damaging the character of Ceylon teas by blending them with inferior quality teas, as marketing a high quality product such as Ceylon’s in true form, would have been difficult. It was felt that a tea syndicate was actively operating in London to keep Ceylon teas down.

The incompetence of the London tea taster to make a proper assessment of a given tea was also cited as a cause for the sudden attack on Ceylon tea. “Tea tasters mouths, like other folks,” they said, “vary according to the state of the liver." They were accused of invariably adjusting their palates according to the requirements of the trade. By the turn of the century, the subject of over supply of tea had blown over, and planters were fine-tuning their manufacturing techniques to ensure that the ultimate product was of a better quality. Over production was, to a great extent reduced by fine plucking.

The attitudes of the London Brokers towards Ceylon teas began to change, but it came about only after the verdict was given regarding the outstanding qualities of local teas. This was proved both at the Melbourne and Calcutta exhibitions. The high expectations and the many first class awards obtained gave the impression that Ceylon could find ready market in the Australian colonies in addition to those already found in the Western world. They were confident of unloading twenty-five to thirty million pounds annually in these regions.

The London brokers being alive to these changes, and in a bid to maintaining a major share of Ceylon’s, suddenly went into raptures and were loud in praise for its fine quality. Tea prices soon started to pick up and were equal to those given for the best Assam teas. The experts pronounced that the finest of our teas have merits that make a market for them with a high value.

“Ceylon Tea Memoranda for 1898” published by Wilson Smithett & Company, called attention to some of its more salient features that gave much hope to the planting community in the island. They expressed the belief that the bedrock of value has at last been struck and that the planters could look forward to the future for greater stability of the market, and to less nervous apprehensions with regard to over supply. “A period” it said “seems to have arrived, when production is not likely to increase to a greater extent than the expansion in new markets.”

Diyagama estate topped the list of sales in 1898 with 1,119,500 pounds at an average price of 9 ½ pence. The brokers felt privileged to have handled the produce from Diyagama and went to the extent of paying a tribute to Mr Dick Lawder the manager. Next came Galaha with 1,003,000pounds, with an average price of 7 pence. Others were Hauteville with 592,000 pounds at 10 pence, St Leonard’s 522,500 pounds enjoying the highest average of 11 ½ pence.

In the United States, Ceylon teas not only had to grapple with the prejudices of tea drinkers borne of customs and acquired taste, but with a stagnant and with a decadent demand for tea, as built up against with the increasing taste for alcoholic drink. Consumption of tea in the United States had in fact decreased from 1.54 pounds per head in 1881 to a still more miserable 1.34 level in 1890.

Consumption of tea in the U.S. only involved a sum of Dollars 30,000,000 in 1890, which was less than a Dollar per head, as against Dollars 122,500,000, for coffee, which is over two Dollars per head. It was astounding to note, that while the consumption of tea and coffee remained constant at a value of only Dollars 152,500,000, the value of alcoholic drinks had increased from Dollars 200,000,000, in 1886 to an startling total of Dollars 900,000,000, in 1890, which works out to fourteen Dollars for every man, woman and child, in the States.

Picture 74 Tea Bags and Packets “A drink that makes breakfast complete” 4.5x2.5

Promotion of tea in the States was no easy task. They could not at any stage divert from the fundamental principles of free, open and legitimate competition in all spheres of commercial activity. Those were the accepted norms of private enterprise, with the result the progress was slow.

While looking for new markets, Ceylon planters were forced to make an in-depth study of the various forms of marketing systems that existed in other countries at that time and adept new strategies as they went along.

A pioneer in this field was Mr G. H. D. Elphinstone, a Scotsman who had a keen interest in Ceylon tea plantations. He undertook an extensive tour of Russia way back in 1886, at a time when the tea industry was just been established in the country, it was mainly to ascertain the potential available in Russia for the sale of this new product.

Russia for many years had scoffed at innovation and firmly believed in the tea that came from China overland. They maintained that tea transported by sea, lost much of its flavour and quality. So the tea merchants continued to obtain their requirements of tea by overland routes, which in itself was fascinating.

Picture 75 The Book of Tea P 140 “The Traditional Russian Samovar” 6.5x6

Early in January, the caravans arrive in Tomsk, a trading post on the Eastern boarder of Russia. Between the first and the twelfth of the month, about 19,000 sledges full of tea set out on their long journey to Russia. Each sledge is loaded with five packages, each containing 130 pounds of tea. The tea was packed in stiffened ox-hide. Five sledges were tied together and drawn by one horse. The last sledge of each group contains hay and barley, which the horses of the next group munch as they travel. In consequence of the arrangement, the caravans lose no time. From the Chinese tea growing districts to Tomsk is a year's journey by caravan.

It was to break this fondness the Russians had for Chinese tea, that the local tea interests made their presence felt so early in their territory with the sole idea of converting them to drinking Ceylon tea.

In a graphic letter written to his friends in Ceylon, his experiences in the ancient capitals of the White Czar’s vast domination had been well recorded What he said about the sufferings from intense cold would have caused its readers to appreciate the desire of the Muscovites to have continuously engaged themselves in the brewing of tea in their samovars to keep out the bitter cold. Not withstanding Being a Scotsman, Mr Elphinstone found the cold too much for him. He found that the tea served for the inhabitants of St Petersburg in their teashops had a special flavour that, to him, seemed artificially introduced. He however found the tea to be of high quality.

The biggest obstacle to the promotion of Ceylon tea in Russia, according to him, was the resentment shown by a ring of well-established merchants involved in the sale of leaf and brick tea of Chinese origin. These merchants were determined to keep out this new variety of tea as it was found to interfere with their already established business interests.

Picture 76 Tea Bags and Packets P 3 “Savouring an aromatic cup of tea” 3x4.5

Despite all these obstacles, Mr Elphinstone was confident that others would subsequently carry out the crusade spearheaded by him. The battle against vested interests, customs, habits and taste, he felt would be severe, but was confident, that this very same tea that conquered the markets in Britain and the United states, would triumph in Russia as well.

Following in the footsteps of Mr Elphinstone, was Mr T. M. Christie, made a deeper study of the conditions prevailing in Russia, and made a strong case for tariff reforms in that country. Christie too identified Russia as a nation of tea drinkers, but they were prevented from obtaining this beverage in sufficient quantities by a prohibitive custom tariff.

This was a period during which more and more attention was being paid to Russia, which offered great hopes for the producer. If trade with Russia could have been established on a sound basis it was felt that tea could end up a useful instrument to foster economical and political well-being and to cultivate a sound relationship between the two countries.

These contentious issues were freely discussed at all levels taking into consideration the vastness of the country that extends from the White Baltic and Black Seas, eastwards to the Pacific from the Arctic Ocean to the border of Tibet and Western China.

Christie presented a comprehensive report incorporating all these factors, along with a statistical survey of the Russian market to the Planters Association in February 1897. Market potential in Russia was calculated at 140 million kilos, with a per capita tea consumption of 1.08 pounds.

Picture 77 Tea Bags and Packets P 5 “They preferred a steaming cup of tea” 4.5x3

It was then revealed that if so much as 140 million pounds of tea had been consumed in the country with the then existing high tariff structure, to what extant would consumption rise if gradual reductions to the current tax structure were made, as it was done in Britain.

It was argued that when Queen Victoria came to the throne in 1837, about 24 million of the British people drank 30 million pounds of tea, paying 2 shillings 1 penny as duty. In 1897 Britons numbering 40 million had drunk 231 million pounds of tea because the duty had been reduced gradually to 4 pence per pound. The level of duty ruling in Russia in 1896 was equivalent to what prevailed in Britain during the time of Queen Victoria.

After having sensed the potential available in Russia for the sale of Ceylon tea, Christie was prepared to take up the matter of an equalisation of duty, and the removal of certain differential disadvantages, as British teas were discriminated against when entering the country from the western side.

At Christie’ instance, all these issues were freely discussed at the Planters Association and a decision was taken to address a letter direct to Mr M. De Witte the Russian finance Minister stationed at St Petersburg. Mr J. Ferguson, the then editor of the “Ceylon Observer”, signed the letter.

Mathematics of the duty reduction operation in Britain is given below. The result of this policy not only largely increased the consumption of tea, but eventually resulted in an increase in the revenue derived from the duty. The progress in consumption and revenue may be indicated as follows.

The next reduction was on 1st May 1890 when the tea duty was reduced from six pence to four pence per pound and the results for 1897are shown below.

1897 231,399,778. 5 ¾ to 6. Four pence 3,856,662.

Pounds sterling 666,537 more of revenue was collected when the Custom Duty was two shillings one penny per pound in 1837; while the total consumption of tea doubled itself. Per capita consumption became four times more.

They emphasised the fact that the Russian people, like the English, are noted as tea drinkers, and that no better wholesome or refreshing beverage was then available to the Russian people. It is a drink that makes for peace and contentment as well as health. This is evidenced in the case of the population of the Australian Colonies who are the greatest drinkers of tea in the world, averaging over seven and a half pounds per head, in their tea consumption per annum, while they (the Australians) are amongst the healthiest of people, noted for their activity and athletic powers, capable of defending the choicest English players in their own favourite field game of cricket.

The policy of gradually reducing the tariff on tea, they pointed out ought to benefit the Russian people, while by no means causing any loss to the Imperial Revenue, but rather, eventually benefiting it..

The total value of tea consumed in 1897 was in the region of Pounds Sterling 10,400,000.

This request for a revision of certain tariffs, and the removal of all injustices to British teas entering Russia, was made to the authorities at a time when their rate of duty on tea was considered the highest in the world. This move also coincided with a temperance movement where the government was actively encouraging to detract the people away from intemperance by establishing tea-drinking houses.

Picture 79 Hundred Years P 272 Tea auction in progress in Colombo” 5.5x3.5

It was well known then that drunkenness was the most harmful weakness of the Russian peasant. Russia is mainly a huge farm, and that brings to this mess, a winter of idleness. The shortness of the daylight of the great north half of the empire in winter tends to greatly increase the drinking habits of the Muzhik. They were considered the most intoxicated peasantry in Europe. Corn brandy and whisky were the popular intoxicants and they came out as a colourless liquid with a sparkling clearness of distilled water. Vodka was considered a liquid that starts train of fire at the palate and blazes its way through the body to ones' boots.

Ceylon whilst finding new markets for her tea also in a way lead a crusade successfully to convert the average Russian from alcohol to a more refined beverage.

The rise of Ceylon from a mere military dependency to be the first crown colony became a reality due to the undertaking given by Sir Henry Ward and Sir William Gregory to direct all excess revenue towards nation building. The customs and the railway, which then were considered the chief revenue departments of the country, were closely associated with the success or the failure of the tea industry.

The duty structure, as worked for the port of Colombo, assured that the objectives of colonisation were safeguarded for the benefit of the coloniser. The path was laid for the free movement of goods between Ceylon and Britain, but at the same time, safeguarding the country from other foreign influences. With a surge in economical activities in the country, the British assessed the changes that were going to take place, and accordingly geared themselves to meet up with any eventuality.

Picture 57 The Book of Ceylon No. 136 “A Maldive Buggallow, A regular caller” 4.5x3.5

By turn of the century, the area under tea had increased to 387,000 acres with a high concentration of about 62 % of the total in the Central Province. Sabaragamuwa and Uva Districts. The Western areas were just beginning to follow their leaders in the Central Province and by 1900 about 28,000acres had been brought under tea cultivation.

Promotion of tea in the Southern Province was pioneered initially by the enterprising Ceylonese, and by the turn of the century, their holdings had moved up to about 15,000 acres. At a moderate estimate, about 400,000 acres could have permitted Ceylon to keep up a steady supply of about 150 million tons for world markets, provided the price was right, and that there was no falling off in the all important labour supply from South India. In this regard, all turned out well and the tea industry was guaranteed of a successful future.

The expansion of tea cultivation and exports according to “The Tropical Agriculturist” were as follows.

In addition to tea, there were about 846,000 acres in coconut, mostly concentrated in the Western Province. A good cover of coconut was also found in the North Western areas and the Southern Province. Tobacco was grown on about 13,000 acres of land and about half this extent was found in the Northern province.

The progress made by the country during this period in the field of manufacture is equally absorbing. According to a report published in the “Tropical Agriculturist,” by 1900 Ceylonese had acquired the art of weaving yarn or thread into fabric, and there were about 1,041 looms distributed in areas that were densely populated. The Eastern Province had 563 and the Northern Province 458 looms operating in 1900.

Picture 58 The Book of Ceylon No. 260 “Villages sprang up along busy roads ” 3.5x2.5

Coconut by then, was well established and its products were widely sought after in international markets. Oil milling had reached a high level of perfection, and in 1900 there were 1,862 oil mills scattered all over the country where coconut was grown. The Southern Province alone had 924 oil mills operating at that time The next highest concentration of processing units was found in the Western District. Millers from the Northern and the North Western Province also could flatter themselves of having worked 168 and 129 mills respectively during this period. In 1900 Ceylon had exported 5,019 gallons of coconut oil. It had by then laid the foundation for yet another flourishing agro-based industry.

Western Province had 10 mills to cure coffee and cardamoms, 784 chakkoos or manually operated oil mills, 168 arrack distilleries, 11 ice and soda mills, 64 tea factories, 20 iron foundries, 16 coir mills, 859 silversmiths shops, 561 blacksmiths shops, 1,185 carpenters shops, 115 carriage factories, 263 tile and brick manufacturers, 74 manufactures of cane baskets and mats, one steam laundry, 632 potteries, 140 lime kilns, 7 fibre mills, 3 electrical installing engines 4 bulk petroleum oil tanks, 4 tanneries, and 34 printing presses.

The Central province specialised in the manufacture of aesthetically valuable articles, such as jewellery, silver and brassware. They were also noted for cloth making, cane and basket weaving. It also had a brewery in Nuwara Eliya, Walker and Sons ironworks in Kandy, workshops of Brown & Company at Hatton, Walker & Greig at Lindula and Dickoya, and several tea factories.

According to Ferguson’s Handbook and Directory, the following prices prevailed for the various types of oils produced in 1900, which at that time was considered extremely attractive.

By turn of the century, the county was fully geared to meet the wants of a fast expanding economy. It was only the labour component that the country could not find locally but cheap labour from South India was available and proved well for the task.

Picture 59 The Book of Ceylon No. 273 “Hackery, Common mode of transport” 4.5x3

By 1900, the Bruisers were in full charge of the expanding economy, and only the food production and service sectors were controlled by the Ceylonese. All what was needed for the rapid expansion of the country was imported, if not found locally, and all the local produce exported back to Britain on British hulls.

The experiences gained by the British in India earlier on the cultivation of tea were virtually implanted in Ceylon. There was free exchange of views and ideas between the Indian and the local planters, who after all, were fostering a common cause, to promoting the sale of “British Grown Tea” in world markets. Trade in tea with China by then had broken down. Fertiliser was freely available and applications were carried out in abundance as the duty, at that stage, was only cents 25 per ton.
By the turn of the century, the Bruisers, in their attempts to cultivate tea in India had mastered most of the aspects of tea production. The task of cultivating tea in Ceylon only turned out to be a facile task for them. So the tea industry in Ceylon proved a resounding success for British investors.

This course of action taken to change consumer preferences was a long drawn out operation, and in the process, dubious methods were adopted to tarnish the image of their old favourite. They took the naïve and the obvious path of discrediting teas from other sources on grounds of adulteration and contamination.

Weather the “friends of Ceylon” had sufficient proof or otherwise to libel the Chinese or the Japanese teas in that fashion is subjected to challenge. but they made it a target of attack due to the primitive way tea was produced. in those countries. Despite these attacks, no attempts were made to improve their processing methods.

China preferred to ignore the growing international market in the increasing number and range of products resulting from the industrial revolution in Europe. They maintained their traditional isolation and sense of superiority over alien civilisations. This attitude of the Chinese helped to shut the doors on the Chinese varieties sooner than anticipated.

All these moves speedily created a revolution in the London tea trade. Chinese and Japanese teas were decried in households that had developed a liking to the superior flavoured “Ceylon Teas” and “Indian teas.”

By the end of the 19th century, Chinas tea trade with the Western world had deteriorated in the face of the challenge from a system with superior organisation and production skills. Most of all, the British owned plantations were able to maintain product consistency.

(Source Green Gold By Dan M. Etherington and Keith Forester)


Second stage of expansion started in 1908

Picture 72 Tea Export Directory P 4 “Second stage of Development” 8x5.5

With this sudden change of attitude of the London brokers towards Ceylon teas, the much-needed confidence on the tea project was re-established. This gave a great deal of confidence and with it the second feverish spell commenced. The tea industry however went through a “laid up” period extending from 1901 to about 1907. as it took some time for the tea growers to build up confidence once again and, by 1908, the stage was set for the second burst into tea cultivation.

The slowing down of the anticipated development of the tea industry in the late 19th century, helped to establish the impending success of the tea industry on a better foundation. During the initial stages of the industry, agents, banks, and even the governments, all combined to help speculators to buy and sell estates. By the turn of the Century, this speculative element had died down, and a new class of bona fide capitalists had emerged, who viewed the properties they purchased differently. They accepted the position that they were no longer birds of passage, and that they were bound by trust to improve the properties they purchased. They felt obliged to develop them, with a permanent interest, rather than sell them.

They accepted the position that plantations, like everything else, would fall back on its productivity after reaching maturity. Furthermore, tea originally had been planted on worn out soils. Being conscious of this fact, this class of estate owners cultivated the habit of building reserves, to be used during a depression or at retirement. The tea industry witnessed a complete revival during the early part of the 20th century, and the stage was set for its second burst of development, based on more scientific lines.

Picture 73 Tea Export Directory “Flowers and seeds of naturally growing tea plant” 7x6

Facilities at the Colombo harbour were further improved, which ultimately turned out to be the best in western waters between Asia and Australia, and between China and South Africa. After having completed one of the most profitable mountain railways in the world, the government had commenced the construction of extensions into the interior.

Barnes made use of Maitland’s Order in Council to make land freely available to the British. He felt that government’s encouragement was necessary to get the project off the ground, and set an example by getting himself involved in coffee planting. The Botanical Gardens that was originally situated at Slave Island in Colombo was moved to Peradeniya to facilitate planters to draw freely from the research conducted at the station.

His vision was to set up a large-scale agricultural enterprise under the aegis of the government, and to provide all assistance to the planters to achieve success in agriculture. The roads built by Barnes soon became springboards for the planters to plunge into the hills and woods of the newly acquired lands in the central hills. All this only meant that Ceylon was fast transforming itself from a subsistence economy to a nineteenth-century colony of the British Empire, producing commercial crops for world markets.

By the end of the 19th century, Ceylon had witnessed great progress in all the spheres of activity. Administration of the country was well established. The country had witnessed a great spread of education, of social and sanitary improvements, and above all, material prosperity among the native population. The Civil Service had been re-organised to serve the people better. There was evidence of an increased activity in the fields of irrigation and other public works.

A start was made in regard to surveys, to ascertain in a more accurate manner, the areas under different crops. Steps were taken to establish an Agricultural Board with a scientific staff, and an experimental station to offer all support services to the fast expanding agricultural economy.

It was about this time that the low country Ceylonese along with their European counterparts set about increasing the area under coconut and other palms. Coffee and tea cultivation during the initial stages were mainly in the hands of the Europeans. Experiments in rubber planting had commenced, but it was tea that brought in the greatest amount of revenue to the country during this period.

The British were careful not to bring about extreme changes to the administration of the country, so as to hurt the locals. They maintained a blend of traditional Sinhalese and Tamil machinery at local levels. This helped to maintain good relationships between the rulers and the ruled. They ware finally successful in launching an export oriented economy based on a planting enterprise.