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The Nattukottai Chettiar
By
Maxwell Fernando
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Prior
to the establishment of the first commercial bank the
“Bank of Ceylon” in the island, it was the
Nattukottai Chettiar who provided the Ceylonese all
banking facilities, which only a few will realize today.
They were emigrant traders from Chettinad in South India,
who played an important part in setting up the economic
and the credit structure of the country, at a time when
the locals were looking forward to a stake in nation
building. The dominant role played by them as private
bankers, money lenders, financiers, and traders, during
the early stages of the country’s economic upsurge
cannot be underestimated.
They were regarded
the most fascinating of all the non-indigenous business
communities that had traded in the island. They were
a very close knitted conservative community with very
little intercourse with the outside world. They are
Hindus, and devoted a considerable amount of their time
to religious activities. They were known to honor their
social and business obligations without any deviation.
They followed a code of business ethics, which was not
common to other foreigners trading in the country. The
Ceylonese had implicit faith in the Chettiars. They
borrowed freely from them, and also invested their savings
with them. They were always assured of a good return
on their investment.
Money was often
given to them for safekeeping, and the strong box in
his house was considered as secure any bank vault in
a British bank. They enjoyed a high reputation in the
pawn broking business, and the Ceylonese preferred to
deal with them rather than with their local counterparts.
The Nattukottai Chettiars were the forerunners in modern
day finance companies. More than 50% of the deposits
of the early finance companies came from this community.
They took risks in speculative ventures that the British
banks avoided. The current position however is different.
It was the disappearance of these Chettiars from the
local money market that paved the way for the rapid
expansion of the local finance companies.
The harsh words
such as “Jews and Shylocks” used to describe
these people seems unjustified. At a time when the British
banks mistrusted the indigenous population, it was this
community that took all the risks to lend to the Ceylonese.
Their interest rates would have been rather on the high
side, but they were only lending money they had borrowed
from the banks. Farther they had to safeguard themselves
against bad debts, which was a common feature.
The Nattukottai
Chettiars who controlled the economy of the country
from about 1875 to 1925, has during this half century
helped in no small way, to promote the economical and
the business of the country. During the initial of economical
growth, there was
During the early
stages, they assisted the smooth conduct of trade with
India, by discounting the excess Sterling Bills for
Rupee bills. Their vast financial recourses in India
made this system last until the establishment of the
British Exchange Banks in the island, commencing with
the Bank of Madras in 1867. Their role as exchange dealers
declined thereafter, but their business interests changed
within a short period of time, to become the country’s
largest money lenders.
It was the good
reputation they enjoyed with the British Banks during
the early stages as Sterling Bill discounting agents
that paved the way for them, in their new role, to become
the middleman between the banks and the indigenous population
who required capital. Coffee was abandoned in the early
1870’s. It was mostly for tea, and later for rubber
that the Ceylonese agriculturists and businesspersons
needed the finance and credit. During this time of need,
it was to the Nattukottai Chettiar that the local entrepreneurs
could turn to for financial assistance, and they were
regarded as the official money lenders to the nation.
The Chettiars
continued in this role until about 1925, and with the
world wide trade depression of the early 1930’s,
the government was compelled to undertake the task of
providing the necessary finances to the fast developing
economy. State sponsored institutions as the State Mortgage
Bank was set up in 1931. The Bank of Ceylon followed
in 1939, and the Agricultural and Industrial Credit
Corporation were structured in 1941, for the sole purpose
of offering financial assistance to the local segment
of the business community, who had no access to foreign
lending institutions. With most credit functions now
been undertaken by the state, the volume of money lending
business of the Chettiars was further reduced.
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Who were they? |
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All
Chettiars had originated from Chettinad, and the Nattukottai
Chettiars were considered the elite of all Chettiars,
and regarded as the most enterprising of all the trading
communities in South India. During the early times they
traveled widely in South East Asia looking for new opportunities
to make money. Their association with Ceylon extends
to the Dutch period, but it was only after the British
conquest, that they established themselves firmly in
the country. By mid 19th century, the Indo-Ceylon trade
was mainly under their control, and largely financed
by them.
During the early
British regime the Nattukottai Chettiars carried out
the only form of organized banking. They were often
referred to as “Merchant Bankers of the country”,
and their name became synonymous with private banking.
The Bank of Ceylon
considered the first commercial bank in the island was
established in1841, as entirely a British concern. With
the first coffee crisis of 1848 the Bank of Ceylon failed,
but there were many others to take its place. Among
them were the Oriental Banking Corporation, the Mercantile
Bank, and the Bank of Madras. The Bank of Madras before
long assumed control of the Indo-Ceylon trade. This
resulted in a further decline in their importance as
financiers to the nation.
This change of
events forced them to change directions, and do the
next best thing, rather than cease operations in the
island. They joined hands with the British Banks and
became their “Middle Man”. This was the
start of a long association between the Nattukottai
Chettiars and the British Banks that lasted until about
the early 1930’s.
During the mid
19th century, the Ceylonese had no access to the British
Bankers, except perhaps to the very wealthy. The Locals
were prevented from seeking membership in their social
clubs that were frequented by the British bank managers,
and other officials. There was no direct communication
between the bank officials and the Ceylonese business
community.
This obstacle was
circumvented by the creation of an agency generally
referred to as the “Shroff." This officer
is almost unknown in banking circles today. This officer
was a native gentleman of sound financial standing,
acceptable to society as a person of integrity, who
acted as a guarantor for Ceylonese borrowers. These
“guarantors” came from the Chettiar community.
They had a through knowledge of the individuals who
came to them for assistance, and all loans were guaranteed
on the payment of a commission both from the bank and
the borrower. They played a pivotal role in scrutinizing
all applications for loans, and the British Banks would
await their recommendation for release of funds to Ceylonese.
All Nattukottai
Chettiars could not end up in banks, but unlike the
Ceylonese, they were well known to all the shroffs either
personally or through business connections. Naturally,
they were therefore willing to accommodate the Chettiars
more freely than the Ceylonese. Their business connections
in India also enhanced their credit worthiness with
the local British Banks. It is recorded that between
the period 1900 and 1925 the British Banks had lent
over Rupees 25 million to the Chettiars, who in turn
had re-loaned them to the Ceylonese business community
at much higher rates of interest. |
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Chetty Crisis |
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This
unholy alliance between the British Exchange Banks ant
the Nattukottai Chettiars went on unabated until the
bubble burst in 1925. Over lending on the part of a
large business undertaking controlled by them, collapsed,
with heavy debts both in Madras and Colombo. A number
of mal-practices as perpetuated by these organizations
were discovered at the time of liquidation and winding
up operations. It was also discovered that most other
organizations were guilty of similar offenses
The Banks
without any subsequent warning, stopped all credits
to the Nattukottai Chettiars A number of such firms
were forced to suspend operations, whilst many others
were closed down permanently.
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World depression of the 1930’s |
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With
the Chetty crisis came the world trade depression that
effected Ceylon adversely. International prices for
tea, coconut, and rubber declined sharply. The banks
by then had suspended all credit to the Chettiars; in
addition they were forced to tighten their lending policies
further. The Chettiars now deprived of bank facilities,
were forced to demand the repayment of loans from their
Ceylonese borrowers. When the loans were not been repaid,
the Chettiars put their promissory notes in suit and
foreclosed on their mortgages. Law reports maintained
during the period 1930 and 1936 are full of law suits
filed by the Chettiars against their Ceylonese borrowers.
This turned out to be a bad period for the Ceylonese
land owner. Many lost their lands to the Chettiars,
whilst others ended up in the insolvency courts. |
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Ceylon Banking Commission |
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The
sudden suspension of credit both by the banks and the
Chettiars to the local business community were sited
as the chief cause of the economical crisis that surfaced
in the 1930’s. A public cry was raised requesting
the State Council to overhaul the entire banking and
credit system of the country. This won the approval
of the Council, and accordingly a commission was appointed
in 1934 with Sir Sorabji Pockhanawala as its Chairman.
The report that
was published the same year is even today regarded as
an invaluable document that portrayed the financial
and the economical conditions of the country at that
time. Whilst condemning the reckless and indiscriminate
manner in which the Chettiars lent money to the Ceylonese,
they could not resist the conclusion that then island
owned a debt of gratitude to the Chettiars for the country’s
economical build up.
It was pointed
out that the Chettiars formed a distinctive link between
the banks and the public, freeing the former from the
risk in direct lending. They had performed a very important
function by moving capital from places both internal
and external to the point of requirement, thereby aiding
the economical development of the country.
The British enterprise
found their own finances to develop the plantation enterprise,
but the Ceylonese had no such support from the British
or their own savings to help them. The Chettiars who
had the capital responded well, and if not for their
financial assistance, foreign involvement in the country
would have been much greater, with hardly any competition
from the local community.
The commission
was of the opinion that with the Chettiar Crisis of
1925 and the World Depression of the 1930’s that
surfaced successively within a short period of time,
were responsible for the steady decrease in the financial
stake held by the Nattukottai Chettiars in Ceylon, thereafter.
The commission realized that they could not continue
in their role as money lenders, and financiers to the
nation, and recommended to the government the establishment
of a state aided bank. The formation of the Bank of
Ceylon in 1939 was the outcome of this proposal.
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| Other
factors that saw to the demise of the Chettiars
in Ceylon. |
(1) |
The enactment of the Business
Names Regulation Ordinance of 1918. |
(2) |
The Money-lending Ordinance No 2 of
1918. |
(3) |
The Pawnbrokers Ordinance No 13 of
1942. |
(4) |
The Exchange Control Act No 24 of
1953. |
(5) |
The Income Tax Ordinance of 1932.
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(6) |
The Estate Duty Ordinance No 1 of
1938. |
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| Apart
from the above legislative enactments there were
many other factors that effected their position
in the country. |
(1) |
The Establishment of the
Bank of Ceylon in 1939 |
(2) |
The Establishment of the State Mortgage
Bank in 1931. |
(3) |
The establishment of the Agricultural
and Industrial Credit Corporation of Ceylon of 1943. |
(4) |
The Citizenship Act No 18 of 1948. |
(5) |
The Indian and Pakistani Residents
Act No 3 of 1949. |
(6) |
The Finance Act No 11 of 1963. |
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| (1) |
Part 3 of
the finance act prohibited any foreign person or
firm to indulge in pawn-broking business in the
island after 1st January 1964. |
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Part 3 of the act also
prohibited any foreign individual or firm to indulge
in money lending, after 1st January 1964. This function
was entrusted to Commercial Banks.
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This act also prohibited
any foreign individual or firm to repatriate abroad
any profits or dividends earned from any business
in the country. Such earnings had to be deposited
in “blocked accounts” |
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Part 6 of this act levied
a 100% tax on the purchase of any land or immovable
property, effective 1st January 1964.
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The
involvement of the Nattukottai Chettiars in the economical
development of the country. |
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According
to the Ceylon Banking Commission Report issued in 1934,
they had played no mean part in the economical development
of the country. They had formed an indispensable link
between the banks and the Ceylonese borrowers, freeing
the former from the risk of direct lending. They were
responsible for paving the way for the local entrepreneurs
to actively take part in the development of the country.
Their presence
in the country dates back to the early 19th century
when the country witnessed positive signs of development,
which provided opportunities for the employment of capital.
They not only mobilized their own resources, but also
took loans to supplement their means. They specialized
in the task of moving surplus capital from places, both
internal and external to the point of requirement, thereby
helping to develop the country. Had it not been for
the ready response the enterprising Ceylonese got from
the Chettiars, the foreign involvement in the country
would have been greater and more serious.
The highly complicated
nature of local mortgages did not prevent the Chettiars
from investing so freely in them. The large scale opening
up of jungle land for the cultivation of coconut during
the early stages of development would not have become
a possibility, had it not been for the financial assistance
available from the Chettiar community.
They were most
liberal with the granting of credit to locals, and the
papers processed with the least amount of delay. He
did not require perfect titles to the deeds, but was
always ready to accommodate the genuine businesspersons,
as well as the speculator, the exporter, and the land
owner trying to raise a dowry for his unmarried daughter.
The Chettiars system of credit had been criticized on
the grounds of been too easy, both to the borrower and
to the lender. Despite these shortcomings, the system
worked surprisingly well up to the time the government
was forced to intervene. The Chettiars, it is said,
never borrowed beyond their capacity, and there was
often inter-Chetty lending, which in turn brought stability
to their credit structure?
They were very
liberal as securities they secured from the borrowers.
Subsequent to the depression, the common forms of security
taken by them were promissory notes, cheques, even post
dated cheques, and I.O.Us. “The Chettiars were
found everywhere, and they engaged in anything and everything,"
says Weerasooria in his book on the Nattukottai Chettiars.
Apart from financing the local trade, they were the
chief importers of rice from India, and prime exporters
of tobacco to that country. Some of them were so well
organized, so as to have their own ships to transport
their goods.
The Indian mercantile
communities too were very appreciative of their financial
involvement in Ceylon. With their own funds they had
set up pawn shops, financed the movement of goods from
the interior. They had even undertaken estate finance,
and had supplied credit to both European and non European
estates alike.
“They are
planters, merchants, transport agents, Mill owners,
contractors, hardware merchants, estate suppliers and
engineers. With their low standard of living, and with
the assistance they receive from the Europeans, they
in time to come, will make impossible for Europeans
to compete with them." They enjoyed a monopoly
in rice and curry stuff trade, the import trade that
was in the hands of the Europeans earlier, and with
their unlimited capital, they would oust both the Europeans
and Ceylonese and drive them out of business.
Before the depression
of the 1920’s their business in the island was
estimated at Rs: 150 Million.
All the complaints
made against the Chettiars revolved round “interest
rates," but in most cases they were well within
the limits sanctioned by the legislature. In exceptional
cases however, rates varied between 10% and 200%, depending
on the circumstances of the case. It is for these reasons
that even today, when a person tries to strike a hard
bargain, he is often referred to as a “chatty."
Witnesses who gave evidence before the commission used
such terms as, “usurious,"“iniquitous,"“prohibitive,"
and “exorbitant," when referring to the rates
of interest charged by them. They often realized their
debts at short notice, and in the event of a failure,
they would foreclose on the mortgages. During the crisis
about 75% of the land owners were indebted to them.
Most of the land they owned was from foreclosures. It
was however pointed out that most of the acquisitions
were not of their free will, but forced upon them by
their debtors, who preferred to transfer their properties
and houses to the Chettiars rather than face mire difficulties
later. The Chettiars as a rule preferred liquid cash
rather than get themselves tied down to permanent investments
in Ceylon.
The Chettiars no
doubt performed a useful function, but their intervention
in the financial affairs of the country could be viewed
as objectionable. It only goes to suggest that the people
of the country were not sufficiently trusted by the
British lending institutions to receive credit. Under
the circumstances they had no option but to turn to
the Chettiars, which meant that the Ceylonese were loaded
from the very outset, with high interest rates, unlike
their British counterparts who had excess to cheap finance.
This retarded commercial growth and kept sections of
the community in a state of permanent indebtedness.
The Chettiars no
doubt resorted to dubious practices and often charged
usurious rates of interest, but in the greater interest
of the country’s economic progress, which the
Chettiars helped to usher in, the Ceylon Banking Commission
Report may be regarded as almost a blank testimonial
in favor of the Nattukottai Chettiars in Ceylon. They
had been responsible for directing finances to areas
that the banks otherwise would have found difficult
to reach.
They were however
quick to condemn the activities of Afghans, and labeled
them as the most rapacious type of money lender ever
to be found in Ceylon. They even recommended that they
should be banned from entering the country. They offered
no sympathy, and their borrowers were mainly those in
the poorer and the lower middle class of society. They
fattened themselves on the misery and improvidence of
the poor.
The Chettiars
on the other hand were a different lot. The Ceylonese
who opened up land during the initial stages borrowed
extensively from Chettiars, They were found most sympathetic
towards the local borrowers, and they were regarded
a valuable asset to the country. |
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